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December 31 2009 13:13
TOKYO, Dec. 31 KYODO - After just three months in office, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has already come under fire for having reneged on some of his campaign pledges, but one other promise he has yet to realize is to take the lead in opening up key press clubs to a broader section of the media.
Opening up the clubs was not a pledge Hatoyama's Democratic Party of Japan made in its manifesto, but before its sweeping success in the August election Hatoyama had promised to open the clubs to reporters from magazines, Internet-based media and other outlets, who had not been allowed to attend press conferences at government offices, if his party came to power.
Immediately after Hatoyama launched his Cabinet, some members such as Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and Shizuka Kamei, minister in charge of banking and postal services, began making their press briefings accessible to more media organizations and freelance journalists, while the 11-year-old DPJ, which seeks to increase transparency and information disclosure, has granted all journalists access to its press conferences for quite some time.
But despite persistent calls for opening up the club at the prime minister's office, it has remained restricted for the past three months.
Tetsuo Jimbo, editor in chief of Internet-based news broadcaster Videonews.com, feels frustrated at the slow handling of the issue by the Hatoyama government, but also accuses mainstream newspapers, TV broadcasters and other traditional media outlets of blocking the process.
Jimbo, a former Associated Press reporter, argues that such mainstream outlets view emerging Internet-based media as a ''threat'' that could collectively eat away at the existing media's advertising revenues, which have already been plunging amid the growth in Internet businesses.
In fact, many major Japanese daily newspapers have struggled with sluggish earnings in recent years, largely blaming a hefty decline in advertising revenues.
The Asahi Shimbun suffered its first-ever consolidated net loss in fiscal 2008 ended March 2009, while The Nikkei business daily also saw a group loss in the January-June period of 2009, falling into the red for the first time since it started compiling consolidated earnings in 2000.
In an interview with Kyodo News, Jimbo stressed that attending a press conference should not be ''a privilege'' and that credentials for attending press conferences must be granted unconditionally.
''The more voices, the better -- that is the fundamental idea in a democratic society,'' Jimbo said. ''Journalism is not private property, but the public's.''
Under Japan's press club system, major newspapers, wire services and TV broadcasters, which belong to specific associations such as the Japan Newspaper Publishers and Editors Association, are given access to press conferences and other information distributed by government ministries and agencies.
According to some reporters working at the press club of the premier's office, some members -- TV stations in particular -- have been sensitive and implicitly opposed to opening the club to Internet-based media outlets, apparently out of fear that they may be deprived of their long-standing cash-cow privilege of airing footage from press conferences.
Keiichi Katsura, a leading researcher in the field of journalism and mass communications in Japan, warns that in order to have the press clubs open up, journalists must take the initiative, otherwise information might be controlled by the authorities.
Journalists should not let authorities decide who can or cannot attend their press conferences or when press conferences should be held, Katsura said.
''They must protect the rights of their peers on their own,'' he said, while also maintaining that the existence of the press club system itself should not be challenged.
Concerns are also growing over the quality of journalists at the press club.
Junichi Fujimoto, a freelance political journalist, accuses reporters at large media organizations of having become no more than cogs in a machine.
He says they appear to focus more on taking down notes on their personal computers and sending memos to their senior colleagues than on investigative reporting.
''Because of the deterioration in quality, the journalists seem to cling to the press club in order to survive,'' Fujimoto said recently at the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Japan in Tokyo. ''It seems to me that they are in a dilemma.''
Katsura shared his concern. ''The reporters depend too much on the press club system,'' he said.
Hatoyama vowed again in late December to open up the press clubs, saying at a press conference that he is sorry for having been slow in dealing with the issue.
''My determination remains unchanged over the matter, although you may not believe what I say,'' the prime minister said in responding to a freelance reporter who accused him of having done nothing to open up the clubs.
Hatoyama hastily held the briefing at a hotel in Tokyo instead of at his office to apologize for a political funding scandal involving his former aides. He allowed any journalist to attend it, saying he intended to deal with the matter as a lawmaker, not as the prime minister.
''I have already made the arrangements so that the press clubs can be more open next year,'' he said. ''I feel sorry that we could not have done it sooner because of various circumstances including space.''
One of the benefits of having a new DPJ government is more disclosure and transparency, as illustrated by its efforts to disclose the budget compilation process, Jimbo said, adding that the press club system should also be reviewed from that perspective.
==Kyodo
By IAN BREMMER AND NOURIEL ROUBINI
DECEMBER 30, 2009, 7:36 P.M. ET
Tokyo's new leader faces a rough 2010 without some pragmatic adjustments.
Like President Barack Obama, Japan's new Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama made lots of extravagant economic and foreign policy promises on the road to victory earlier this year. Mr. Obama has shown flexibility and the willingness to compromise. Will Mr. Hatoyama do the same? If not, Japan will be in for a rough ride in 2010.
In some ways, Mr. Hatoyama's victory was even more historic than the American election. His Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) ousted the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) that had held power virtually without interruption for more than five decades. Like Mr. Obama, he's had to come to grips with enormous immediate challenges, beginning with the need to kick start a stalled economy. Japan's public debt is approaching 200% of gross domestic product—by far the largest debt-to-GDP ratio in the industrialized world.
Mr. Hatoyama's promises were ambitious, and sometimes even contradictory. Recognizing Japan's financial limitations, he and his party pledged to slash wasteful state spending. Yet he has also called for "an economy of the people" that includes considerable state subsidies, and his government put forward a record high initial budget request of 95 trillion yen.
The government has now moved ahead with a new bond issuance, with a promise to cap the new debt at about 44 trillion yen. Mr. Hatoyama has announced plans to halt the privatization of Japan Post bank, an enormous enterprise with more than $3 trillion in assets that helps finance state spending. And he has reiterated a pledge that Japan will reduce carbon emissions 25% below 1990 levels by 2020, a promise that will soon prove too costly to keep.
On foreign policy, the new prime minister has argued that the U.S.-Japan relationship should develop toward a partnership of equals. But despite some blunt warnings from Washington, DPJ officials have yet to resolve the standoff over the controversial relocation of a helicopter base and 8,000 Marines from Japan to Guam. This is a deal the U.S. believes it settled with the previous Japanese government in 2006.
In Washington, the prime minister's critics are becoming more vocal. Former National Security Council director for counterproliferation strategy Carolyn Leddy recently accused the Hatoyama government of "increasing security policy schizophrenia."
Mr. Hatoyama's domestic approval numbers have taken a tough hit: A Kyodo News poll last weekend found that disapproval of the government surged to 38.1% this month from 25% in November. And the risk remains that he will try to keep too many of his campaign promises, deepening Japan's debt without actually spurring growth. He also risks undermining a security relationship with Washington that remains essential for East Asian stability.
There are two main reasons why Mr. Hatoyama's unrealistic goals are more worrisome than any of the economic plans Mr. Obama has proposed.
First, there are far fewer political checks on Mr. Hatoyama's ability to pursue them. Mr. Obama faces a hostile Republican Party, a divided electorate, and moderates within the Democratic congressional caucus skeptical of his plans. He has accepted compromise on important issues like health-care reform and troop deployments to Afghanistan because he knows he must. Recognizing the complexities involved, he's taken a go-slow approach on domestic climate change legislation and the closing of the prison at Guantanamo Bay. Fiscal conservatives in both parties make a second stimulus package all but politically impossible.
The DPJ, meanwhile, has built a strong single-party majority in the lower house and relies on a pair of coalition partners to dominate the upper house. Mr. Obama's party has majorities too, but Mr. Hatoyama faces fewer institutional obstacles, like the filibuster, to setting a political agenda and pushing it forward.
Finally, the U.S. has a two-party system that allows business and industry groups to hedge their bets by lobbying both sides. Five months ago, Japan had a one-party system—one in which business elites negotiated legislative language with an LDP-dominated bureaucracy. For the commercial elite, it now has a no-party system, a ruling coalition of mostly new faces with far fewer connections in the business world.
Mr. Obama's innate caution and his willingness to compromise are likely to serve him well. To spare Japan an unnecessarily turbulent 2010, Mr. Hatoyama needs to become "Hatobama," a pragmatist ready to disappoint ideological allies and assuage centrist fears of a policy agenda his country simply can't afford. Japan's recovery is riding on it.
Mr. Bremmer, president of Eurasia Group, is co-author of "The Fat Tail: The Power of Political Knowledge for Strategic Investing" (Oxford University Press, 2009). Mr. Roubini is a professor of economics at New York University's Stern School of Business and chairman of RGE Monitor.
December 31, 2009
Ruling coalition partner Social Democratic Party (SDP) leader Mizuho Fukushima said the party will consider a proposal to relocate U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to Shimoji Island in southwestern Okinawa Prefecture.
"We'll consider various plans including that proposal. We respect proposals made by coalition partners," said Fukushima, state minister for consumer affairs and gender equality.
Her agreement to consider the proposal is expected to open the way for a government panel on U.S. bases in Okinawa to study the possibility of relocating Futenma base in Ginowan on Okinawa's main island to Shimoji Island in the city of Miyakojima.
However, she added that the SDP pursues relocation both out of Okinawa Prefecture and the country. The SDP has demanded that Futenma base be shifted to Guam.
Ruling Democratic Party of Japan Secretary-General Ichiro Ozawa made the proposal at a year-end party of secretaries general and other top officials of the ruling coalition partners Tuesday night.
Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa, however, pointed out that a relocation of the base to Shimoji is unrealistic. "Mr. Ozawa's proposal will be high on the agenda of our discussions. But there is a capacity problem."
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama only said he has left the matter to discussions at the government panel.
The previous Liberal Democratic Party-led government had agreed with Washington to transfer Futenma base to an area off Camp Schwab in the Henoko district of Nago, also on Okinawa's main island.
Related articles
(Mainichi Japan) December 31, 2009
Thursday, Dec. 31, 2009
Kyodo News
Shimoji, Ie options floated despite U.S. rejection
Ruling Democratic Party of Japan kingpin Ichiro Ozawa has suggested relocating Okinawa's U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to one of two small islands in the prefecture, coalition lawmakers said Wednesday.
It remains unclear how viable the islands of Shimoji or Ie can be, given that they were written off in the process of formulating the 2006 Japan-U.S. accord to relocate the air base, now in Ginowan on the main Okinawa Island, to a point farther north on the same island.
Reiterating his reservations about the 2006 plan, which entails building a new airfield to accommodate Futenma's aircraft operations at Camp Schwab in a less-populated part of Okinawa Island, Ozawa, the DPJ secretary general, noted during a dinner Tuesday night: "There is an airport not being used on Shimoji Island."
The lawmakers also quoted Ozawa as asking Social Democratic Party Secretary General Yasumasa Shigeno during the dinner, "Is the SDP opposed to (relocating the base to) any part of Okinawa Prefecture?"
The SDP, part of the DPJ-led tripartite ruling bloc, has called for relocating the Futenma base outside Okinawa to lighten the burden on the people in the prefecture, which hosts the bulk of U.S. military installations in Japan.
Shozaburo Jimi, secretary general of Kokumin Shinto (People's New Party), the third partner in Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's DPJ-led coalition government, also attended the dinner.
Prior to the session, Ozawa was quoted by a coalition source as saying, "The airports not being used in Okinawa should be among those to be considered (for a possible relocation)."
Shimoji is a small island about 280 km southwest of the main island. It hosts a 3,000-meter runway that is mostly used by airlines for pilot training. Ie, on the other hand, lies just off Okinawa Island's west coast and has an airstrip used as a marine training facility.
On Tuesday, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama refrained from commenting on Ozawa's remarks, telling reporters, "This is not the time for me to say various things."
Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa cautioned that plans to relocate Futenma to either of the islands would face various hurdles.
"It's not easy for Shimoji Island or Ie Island to be an easy) alternative for Futenma . . . because of geographical and capacity issues," he said.
Japan and the United States mulled relocating the Futenma airfield to either Shimoji or Ie, but in the end opted for Camp Schwab in the Henoko district of Nago as part of a broader 2006 bilateral agreement on the reorganization of the U.S. forces in Japan.
On Tuesday, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said relocating the Futenma facility within Okinawa as agreed on between the two countries can be an option to pursue in the event that Tokyo fails to find what he calls a "better" relocation site.
The ruling parties had agreed the previous day to make maximum efforts to reach a decision by May on where to relocate Futenma by examining various sites regardless of whether they are in Japan or abroad.
This consensus came in the face of strong pressure from Washington on Tokyo to swiftly abide by the existing deal.
Meanwhile, Hatoyama on Monday indicated Japan will have to respect the U.S. stance in deciding where to relocate the Futenma base in Okinawa.
The ruling camp cannot forge an agreement on the base's relocation site in defiance of U.S. demands, Hatoyama told Japanese reporters Monday at a New Delhi hotel.
He visited India earlier this week and signed a joint statement agreeing to strengthen collaboration on security.
Many in Okinawa are already unhappy about having to host U.S. forces for decades.
Under the U.S. forces realignment plan agreed on in 2006, the Futenma facility will be moved to Henoko by 2014, and simultaneously, around 8,000 marines and their dependents would be transferred from Okinawa to Guam.
Thursday, Dec. 31, 2009
By JUN HONGO
Staff writer
After being handed a fourth term as president of the Social Democratic Party without a vote, Mizuho Fukushima on Dec. 4 took her seat at the SDP's headquarters in Tokyo and faced reporters to give her victory speech.
But the celebratory bouquet of flowers blocked the petite lawmaker from cameras, and party officials quickly stopped Fukushima and replaced her chair with a taller stool.
"Sorry, please hold on just a second," Fukushima, who serves as the consumer affairs minister in the Cabinet, told reporters shyly.
But in sharp contrast with her small stature, her speech included bold comments on contentious issues that have caused tension within the Cabinet.
"The SDP has its role, a mission, which must be accomplished in history, in this era, in politics," Fukushima said, briefly touching on the stalled relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma.
The past year saw the Democratic Party of Japan kick the Liberal Democratic Party out of power after decades of almost unbroken rule. But Fukushima caused a ripple within the coalition that eventually became a tidal wave, influencing Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's diplomacy and in effect annulling the base relocation pact with the U.S.
Fukushima's philosophy can be summed up in the titles of her books, which include "A Declaration of Love Towards the Constitution" and "God is in the Constitution."
In what she calls "Fukushima Mizuho no Manifesto," ("Mizuho Fukushima's Political Pledges") the socialist lawmaker bluntly states on her Web site that U.S. bases in Japan should be "reorganized, minimized, then abolished."
"Residents living around U.S. bases are suffering from noise pollution as well as theft and sex crimes by U.S. forces. U.S. bases, which deeply trouble the public life, are unnecessary," she states.
Despite her desire to rid Japan of the U.S. military presence, the SDP chief states in her book "Nihon Saisei" ("Rebirth of Japan") that she is not anti-American. She sees the U.S. as a "big-hearted" nation where volunteerism is a virtue and people think first of their families.
But she also criticizes the U.S., saying "the weak tend to become a victim of the strong" and its social welfare system is deficient in health care and public services.
True to such beliefs, Fukushima has continued pressuring the DPJ to get tougher with Washington on reorganizing its bases here, causing friction between the two nations.
Although the DPJ had been pushing for a review of the 2006 agreement with the U.S. to relocate Futenma from crowded Ginowan to a less densely populated area in Nago, farther north on Okinawa Island by 2014, the coalition's initial agreement on policies reached in September between the DPJ, the SDP and Kokumin Shinto (People's New Party) did not mention this principle.
But after Fukushima and her left-leaning party demanded that the coalition agreement address the subject, a segment was added to assuage the SDP.
The final version of the three-party accord stated, "We will propose amending the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces agreement, and will consider revising the planned realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, as well as reviewing the nature of U.S. bases in Japan."
As a consequence, the DPJ-led coalition revealed earlier this month it will put off resolving the Futenma relocation question until 2010, prolonging the tension between Tokyo and Washington.
And if Fukushima shows any lack of resolve on the SDP's core beliefs, the pacifist party and its supporting organizations are always ready to call for tough action.
Such was the case earlier in December when Fukushima was showing signs of conforming to the DPJ as she got ready for the SDP's presidential election. Comfortably in power since 2003, she was likely to run uncontested for her fourth term.
But labor unions and left-leaning pacifist organizations — major supporters of the SDP — were discontented with Fukushima's lack of push on the Futenma issue. At one point they considered backing Lower House member Kantoku Teruya to run against her.
Burned in the past, the SDP and its supporters are quick to put a check on compromising its policies.
The party had always insisted that the existence of the Self-Defense Forces was unconstitutional — until SDP leader Tomiichi Murayama became prime minister in a coalition government with the LDP and the now-defunct New Party Sakigake. When Murayama reversed the party's position on the SDF in 1994 to go along with other members of the coalition, the SDP lost a majority of its left-leaning supporters and the party eventually had to undertake an intense rebuilding process.
Teruya waited until the last minute before announcing he wouldn't try to unseat Fukushima — and only after his possible candidacy forced her to state that the party will leave the coalition if the Futenma relocation proceeds under the 2006 accord.
"Whether the SDP would really drop out of the coalition is questionable," political analyst Eiken Itagaki said of Fukushima's threat. The independent analyst, well-versed in DPJ politics, added it was crucial for the SDP chief to make a forceful statement if she wanted to keep her seat.
With her position secured, Fukushima will face the crucial Upper House election in July that will determine the SDP's fate in the ruling coalition. The party has talked big because its five seats in the Upper House give the DPJ-led bloc a majority, but they won't be needed if the DPJ wins a majority on its own or if the SDP loses its key seats.
Fukushima is pledging to double the party's Upper House seats in the upcoming vote, saying the SDP "is a small party, but it is a party with ideals." But a recent poll by Jiji Press indicates the party's support rate is only about 1.1 percent, compared with the DPJ's 25 percent and the LDP's 15 percent. Even the Japanese Communist Party gets 1.7 percent, according to the survey.
Seeking a breakthrough, Fukushima will likely come out swinging by highlighting the unique character of her party as well as herself.
But analysts say the stance on the Futenma issue will only get the SDP so far.
"The party is having a difficult time expanding its support," analyst Itagaki said. "Depending on how well the DPJ does in the Upper House election, the SDP could very well become dispensable."
Thursday, Dec. 31, 2009
By DARIO AGNOTE
Kyodo News
When U.S. forces move in from Okinawa, population will rise 25%
HAGATNA, Guam — Guam is bracing for a deluge.
Thousands of American service members and their families are to relocate to the island from Japan in what could be the biggest such shift in forces since the war.
Already concerns are being raised over the "boomtown effect" — the rapid and large spike in population and related economic activity — on Guam's limited resources and inadequate infrastructure.
At least 8,600 marines and 630 army personnel plus their estimated 9,900 dependents are expected to move here from Okinawa. There will also be a transient military component up to 9,000-strong.
Joining the crowd will be the thousands of outside workers needed to build new roads, deep-draft wharves, aircraft carrier berthing, barracks, houses and similar infrastructure on Guam and on Tinian off Saipan, 160 km to the northeast.
Construction will begin next year despite funding concerns that stem from the Hatoyama administration's reluctance to share in the multimillion dollar relocation cost.
The immediate concern is whether the Japanese government will honor the 2006 deal struck by its predecessor to chip in $6.09 billion for the relocation, which has an estimated price tag of $12 billion to $15 billion.
The biggest concern, however, is the social cost.
The relocation of most of the marines and their dependents is expected to start in 2014, coinciding with the peak in construction activities and expenditures.
"At this peak, the total increase in Guam residents from off-island would be an estimated 79,178 people," says a draft environmental impact statement commissioned by the U.S. Defense Department.
After 2014, when the infrastructure projects are completed, the population is expected to level off to an estimated 33,608 people, on top of Guam's current population of about 178,000.
Based on the estimates of project planners, the endeavor will result in approximately $12 billion, in 2008 dollars, worth of construction occurring on Guam between 2010 and 2016.
Although the desired completion date moving the military personnel is 2014, the construction will likely continue into 2016, the study says.
Guam's population will increase by more than 25 percent during the four- to six-year buildup, said Paul Shintaku, executive director of the Guam Buildup Office.
"The impacts will be wide-ranging and far-reaching. It would be every aspect of the community and our social structure," Shintaku said.
"It's overwhelming," added Shintaku's deputy, Nora Camacho. "It can be from traffic to the hospital to our social services, schools, transport of goods coming into Guam and goods going out of Guam to Micronesia. It doesn't only affect Guam. It affects the entire Micronesia because we're a regional hub."
People from the Philippines, the United States, Palau, the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Marshall Islands and even Samoa are expected to descend on the island in search of jobs.
"There is cause for concern over the impacts on crime and social order due to other factors," the EIS study says, adding construction booms "are typically accompanied by a sense of loosened norms and social disorder."
People "from the Freely Associated States of Micronesia — whose numbers may increase in both the construction and operational stages due to more job opportunities — have high crime rates associated with adapting to less traditional social structures," it says. "There is a potential for more prostitution, alcohol and substance abuse, and family violence associated with young military populations in general, including sailors taking shore leave after weeks at sea.
"The particular reputation of marines as fighters could well trigger a transitional period of adjustment in which local young men test themselves against marines in fights," it says.
There are also concerns over the possibility that some of the workers will stay on the island for good and contribute to the "growing minoritization" of Chamorros, the indigenous people of the Mariana Islands.
Prior to World War II, Chamorros comprised more than 90 percent of Guam's population. The percentage dropped below 50 percent by 1980 and fell to 42 percent by 2000, the study says.
"There will be an expansion in non-Chamorro voting population that could affect the proportion of Chamorro office-holders and government workers, eventually affecting the current government budgets and activities dedicated to cultural issues and practices. It could also affect outcomes of any future votes about Guam's political status," it says.
"The buildup is so beneficial, beyond our comprehension and beyond what you see in the past," Camacho said.
David Leddy, president of the Guam Chamber of Commerce, says there is overwhelming support for the relocation.
"We treat it as another industry," he said. "The local government is the biggest beneficiary in terms of revenues that can be generated from the economic activities.
"There are positive and negative impacts. We just have to weigh the positive and negative and see what's good for the people," Leddy said.
THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
2009/12/31
Prosecutors plan to indict a Lower House member in January on charges of violating the Political Fund Control Law when he was an aide to Democratic Party of Japan kingpin Ichiro Ozawa, sources said.
Tomohiro Ishikawa, 36, has told investigators that he helped raise about 400 million yen for Rikuzankai, Ozawa's political fund management group, which used the money to buy land in Tokyo's Setagaya Ward on Oct. 29, 2004, the sources said.
However, Rikuzankai's political fund report for that year did not include the money.
(IHT/Asahi: December 31,2009)
THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
2009/12/31
The Social Insurance Agency sent copies of pension records to the South Korean government for 4,727 Koreans forced to work in Japan during World War II, sources said Tuesday.
In late October, Seoul asked Tokyo to look for pension records of about 40,000 Koreans who had performed such work.
The agency, which no longer operates, later confirmed that 4,727 Koreans had been registered in Japan's pension system while working during the war for Japanese firms. The system started in 1942.
Seoul has extended relief to Korean workers forced to work under Japanese rule and their bereaved families since 2008. The 4,727 people whose records were uncovered may be eligible for the support.
However, the agency said it did not look at how long each individual had paid into the system, and so their eligibility to collect withdrawal allowances from Japan is yet to be determined.
(IHT/Asahi: December 31,2009)
BY YOICHI FUNABASHI
ASAHI SHIMBUN EDITOR IN CHIEF
2009/12/31
The Asahi Shimbun provided relentless coverage of the crucial Lower House election in August that resulted in a historic change of government. The newspaper also went all-out in covering the first 100 days of the new administration headed by Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.
Before the Lower House election, changes in political awareness and political activity that were occurring at the foundations of Japanese society were spotlighted from a number of angles.
An Aug. 5 morning edition story that was part of a series on the shifting political tides in Japan included a comment from Ichiro Ozawa, then acting president of the Democratic Party of Japan.
"(Operators of) convenience stores are no-nonsense people embedded in their communities," Ozawa said, in explaining his party's efforts to gain support from the 42,000 or so convenience stores in Japan.
The strategy was part of a successful attempt by the DPJ to address concerns and dissatisfaction felt at the grass-roots level among these people that old-school politicians had failed to consider.
The DPJ government is still struggling to put together policies on growth strategy and the Japan-U.S. relationship.
Deflation has become a growing concern.
Price wars that have flared as deflation takes hold were highlighted in an Oct. 8 morning edition story about a plant in Niigata Prefecture that produces low-priced plastic-packed rice for a major convenience store chain.
The government has yet to come up with a vigorous policy to end deflation or overcome its causes.
If deflation worsens, profits, investment, employment, consumption and tax revenues will all suffer and the economy could go into a freefall.
The mantra of the new government should be growth, growth and growth.
There has also been a wavering in diplomacy and national security.
Fundamentally, diplomacy is about promises and trust between nations. Foreign governments cannot cast a ballot about whether they agree with the policies espoused by a political party.
For that reason, extreme care must be exercised in making any switch in the course of foreign policy.
But when a policy change is implemented, an alternative has to be well thought out and only pushed forward after in-depth discussions with the parties concerned.
However, in handling the transfer of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, the ruling DPJ began by making a "declaration." As a result, the government became entangled in a trap of its own making, forcing it to choose between the alliance with the United States and continuing the ruling coalition.
That miscalculation must be rectified immediately and the relationship with Washington must be rebuilt.
We at The Asahi Shimbun believe that it is the mission of our paper to oversee the workings of the government, regardless of whether it is led by the DPJ or the Liberal Democratic Party.
The scandal surrounding Hatoyama about political donations was triggered by the June 16 morning edition scoop that revealed the extent to which the names of dead people were included in political fund reports submitted by Hatoyama's fund management organization.
Even after the Hatoyama government came into being, we continued to go after the money scandal, reporting in the Oct. 24 morning edition about Hatoyama's failure to list office rent in the political fund reports.
Both stories were the result of dogged investigative journalism that did not depend on any press club.
Now that the government has passed its first 100 days in office, we once again realize the enormous responsibility we face in continuing to keep a watchful eye on the corridors of power. In that vein, we will further strengthen our investigative journalism efforts.
The global environmental symposium that The Asahi Shimbun hosted to commemorate the 130th year of its founding was only the first in our many endeavors with respect to the environment and energy issues.
The series of articles in the vernacular Asahi Shimbun on "eco wars" and other related coverage represent the far-sighted nature of our reporting.
While no new framework with binding goals for reducing greenhouse gas emissions was achieved at the 15th Conference of the Parties (COP15) to the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change in Copenhagen, Japan should not loosen its resolve.
Creating a low-carbon society is nothing more than a key part of national security policy for a resource-poor nation such as Japan.
The unstoppable emergence of China has been widely covered in our pages.
On two separate issues that appeared on Oct. 5 and 19 to commemorate the first anniversary of our GLOBE pullout section, the focus was on China's moves to become a naval superpower and its "Long March" to becoming No. 1.
A series about Chinese nationals living in Japan depicted the extent to which Chinese expats have taken root and excelled in Japanese society.
We are proud of our coverage of China, especially Beijing's ties with North Korea. In that vein, the June 16 morning edition story by Beijing correspondent Kenji Minemura about the meeting between Chinese President Hu Jintao and Kim Jong Un, as the proxy for his father, North Korean leader Kim Jong Il, was an international scoop that recognized the third son as Kim's successor.
We will continue to zero in on developments in China, especially with the undeniable signs of an emerging Group of Two made up of the United States and China.
Turbulent times continue both in Japan and abroad. It is urgently more necessary for us to sharpen for our readers the meaning and significance of the news we report daily. For that purpose, we will expand our role as an opinion shaper.
(IHT/Asahi: December 31,2009)
Date Posted: 2009-12-31
Nago City Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro has been supportive of plans to build an airfield at Henoko to replace the Futenma Marine Corps Air Station in Ginowan City; his probable challenger in the upcoming January mayoral election is opposed to the idea, and their positions are causing friction in their friendship.
Susumu Inamine, a former Nago City mayor, is opposing Shimabukuro for the mayoral post, and he’s dead set against the airfield coming to Henoko. He’s a Democratic Party of Japan supporter and a loyalist to Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama, who has said he’ll make a decision about where to move Futenma by May 2010. Their predecessor, Takeo Kishimoto, supported the Futenma relocation to the Nago City area, and following his death his influence was enough to get the Okinawa Prefecture governor to agree to the Henoko construction, which includes a pair of V-shape runways that will extend into Oura Bay, while other parts of the airfield are on the Marine Corps’ Camp Schwab.
Inamine and Shimabukuro used to be friends, and their friends were friends. That’s changing now because some support having the new airfield in their area, while others do not. An economist says “sure, nobody likes noisy helicopters and nobody likes military bases, but we do have to think about the economic situation and the promotion of our town and the northern part of Okinawa.” Much of the northern Okinawa area is financially distressed, and many downtown stories have closed and shuttered their doors. Some Henoko citizens are looking at the new airbase as being an economic lifeline to their community.
Date Posted: 2009-12-31
Nearly two months after a 66-year-old Yomitan man was struck and killed alongside a northern Okinawa roadway, police say they’re ready to present the case against an American soldier to prosecutors.
The U.S. Army staff sergeant assigned to Torii Communication had met with police shortly after the incident on a Yomitan road November 7th, but stopped talking to officials on advice of his legal counsel after questions arose about the accuracy of translations, and the denial of permission for his defense attorney to be present during police interrogation. Police say they’ve now enough evidence on the soldier to take the case to the Naha District Prosecutor anyway.
The 27-year-old soldier has been confined to Torii Station by the base commander, U.S. Army Colonel James Woodard. Authorities say it’s probable he’ll remain in U.S. military custody until Japanese authorities hand down an indictment, as specified in the U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement.
Dec 30 08:15 AM US/Eastern
(AP) - TOKYO, Dec. 30 (Kyodo) — Ichiro Ozawa, the powerful No. 2 figure in the ruling Democratic Party of Japan, referred to two small Okinawa islands as a possible alternative site to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps' Futemma Air Station on the main island of Okinawa, coalition lawmakers said Wednesday.
But it remains unclear how viable an alternative the islands -- Shimoji and Ie -- can be given that they were written off in the process of forming the existing relocation plan between Japan and the United States.
Reiterating his reservations about the existing plan, which is to move Futemma's heliport functions to an airfield to be built on the shore of the Marines' Camp Schwab in a less populated part of Okinawa, the DPJ secretary general said Tuesday night, "There is an airport not being used on Shimoji Island."
Ozawa also asked Social Democratic Party Secretary General Yasumasa Shigeno, "Is the SDP opposed to (relocation in) any part of Okinawa Prefecture?" according to the lawmakers, who attended their dinner.
The SDP, one of the DPJ's two junior partners forming the coalition government, has called for relocating the Futemma facility outside of the southernmost prefecture or abroad to lighten burdens on the people of Okinawa, which hosts the bulk of U.S. military facilities in Japan.
Shozaburo Jimi, secretary general of the People's New Party, the other small party in Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's new government, was also among those who took part in the dinner.
Prior to the dining session, Ozawa was quoted by a coalition source as saying, "The airports not being used in Okinawa should be among those to be considered (for a possible relocation)."
Shimoji is a small island that lies about 280 kilometers southwest of the main Okinawa island. It hosts a 3,000-meter runway that is mostly used by airlines for pilot training. Ie, on the other hand, is an island just off the main island's west coast and has a Marine airstrip used as a training facility.
On Wednesday, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama refrained from commenting on Ozawa's remarks, telling reporters, "This is not the time for me to say various things."
Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa cautioned that plans to relocate Futemma to either of the islands would face hurdles to clear.
"It's not easy for Shimoji Island or Ie Island to be an alternative to Futemma in a straight manner because of geographical and capacity issues," he told reporters.
Japan and the United States mulled relocating the Futemma airfield to Shimoji or Ie, but they decided in the end to relocate it to the Marine camp in the Henoko district in Nago, Okinawa, as part of a broader 2006 bilateral agreement on the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan.
Meanwhile, Shigeru Ishiba, the policy chief of the main opposition Liberal Democratic Party, criticized Ozawa on Wednesday, saying that the Okinawa prefectural assembly adopted a resolution pledging not to convert the runway on Shimoji Island for military use.
"They don't seem to me to have been remarks Mr. Ozawa made after studying it thoroughly," Ishiba said.
Hatoyama, who has put off deciding on where to relocate Futemma, has expressed reservations about it being moved to Guam -- an idea proposed by the SDP -- citing the deterrence the Marine base provides Japan and the surrounding region.
But on Wednesday, the prime minister expressed some lingering feelings about the option in a meeting with Yoshihiro Kawakami, a DPJ lawmaker in the House of Councillors.
Asked if he would be willing to call for Futemma's relocation to the U.S. territory in the Pacific, Hatoyama was quoted by Kawakami as telling him, "Guam will be the best if the United States can accept it."
On Tuesday, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada said relocating the Futemma facility within Okinawa as agreed on between the two countries can be an option to pursue in the event that Tokyo fails to find what he calls a "better" relocation site.
The ruling parties agreed Monday to make maximum efforts to reach a decision by next May on where to relocate Futemma by examining various sites regardless of whether they are in Japan or abroad.
The consensus was reached despite Washington's strong pressure on Tokyo to swiftly implement the existing deal.
Many in Okinawa are already unhappy about having to host U.S. forces for decades, given the noise pollution, accidents, crimes and other problems associated with their presence on their soil.
Under the road map on the U.S. forces' realignment agreed on in 2006, the Futemma facility will be moved to the Henoko district by 2014, while around 8,000 Marines will be transferred from Okinawa to Guam.
By Amritha Alladi - Pacific Daily News (Guam)
via Gannett News Service
Posted : Wednesday Dec 30, 2009 8:11:30 EST
Guam residents voiced a range of concerns at Tuesday’s public hearing on a territorial resolution that demands the military use negotiations of “good faith” to obtain private lands, as opposed to condemning the lands under eminent domain.
Guam Sen. Judith Guthertz, chairwoman of the Legislature’s buildup committee, had introduced the resolution after Joint Guam Program Office Director retired Marine Col. John Jackson recently stated “every option is on the table” to obtain Guam lands for the military buildup. Guam residents brought all their concerns — and personal stories — to the table, in response.
Gloria B. Nelson, wife of former Sen. Ted Nelson, brought tears to the eyes of those listening, as she retold the story of how her family had suffered “enough” through numerous relocations during the war years. The condemnation of lands would further add to that suffering, she said.
About 8,000 Marines and their 9,000 dependents will be shifted from Okinawa to Guam by 2014. Per the preferred alternative listed in the draft Environmental Impact Statement for the main cantonment area, the Defense Department may require an additional 680 acres of private land.
In other passionate testimony supporting the resolution, Catherine McCollum of the Colonized Chamorro Coalition said her family continues to fight for land in Tiyan and Ritidian.
JGPO public information officer Capt. Neil Ruggiero told the Pacific Daily News last week the Defense Department has tried to utilize its own property for the military realignment, but must follow federal environmental laws and planning processes to determine the best locations for the facilities and ranges necessary for the military realignment.
“We have also learned that it may be wise to develop property near existing bases to allow functions to be grouped together in one location and eliminate the need to travel from one range or training area to another. This will ease impacts, such as traffic, on the surrounding community.”
Guthertz said she was assured two years ago by JGPO Executive Director Retired Maj. Gen. David Bice the military wouldn’t use condemnation to obtain lands, and would utilize the 40,000 acres already belonging to the Defense Department.
But a recent statement Jackson made on TV contradicted the previous assurance, according to Guthertz, and the resolution is an attempt to make certain the federal government negotiates with the landowners instead of resorting to condemnation, she said.
Guthertz hadn’t received a response from Bice until Dec. 24:
“During the EIS process, DOD personnel, especially those in a position of leadership, must refrain from taking any action that could be viewed as pre-determining the manner in which a decision would be implemented or otherwise limit choices among reasonable alternatives,” Bice’s letter stated. “Should I or other DoD personnel testify regarding the proposed resolution, our testimony could be interpreted as pre-decisional actions indicating that alternatives contemplating the acquisition of non-DoD lands will be selected.”
Local businessman James Adkins urged Guam’s senators not to challenge the military, because buildup plans are hanging by a thread.
“The military is starting to look at some of the things that are being said by our senators that they do not want the military here. You couple that with the other things that are going on in Japan [and] we are not sure that we will even get this buildup,” Adkins said.
He said the buildup would be the primary solution to resuscitate Guam’s economy.
“We have to have something to bring cash money back onto the island,” Adkins said. “We are spending more money than we are bringing in. Now’s not the time to go and challenge [the military].”
December 30, 2009
Ruling Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) Secretary-General Ichiro Ozawa has proposed relocating U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma to Shimoji Island in Okinawa Prefecture, ruling coalition sources said.
Ozawa made the proposal during a year-end party for secretaries general and other top officials of the three ruling coalition partners Tuesday night.
During the gathering, Ozawa asked Social Democratic Party (SDP) Secretary-General Yasumasa Shigeno if the SDP would reject any plan to relocate the base within the prefecture. Shigeno responded by insisting that the base be relocated to Guam.
Ozawa then named Shimoji as a relocation site, according to the sources. "There's an airport on Shimoji Island that isn't currently used," he was quoted as saying.
The DPJ heavyweight also expressed opposition to the current plan to relocate Air Station Futenma in Ginowan to an area off Camp Schwab in the Henoko district of Nago, also on Okinawa's main island. "It's unacceptable to build in the beautiful sea."
There are no regular flights to and from Shimoji Island Airport on Shimoji Island -- located about midway between Okinawa's main island and Taiwan -- and the airport has been mainly used by airlines for pilot training.
Shimoji Island Airport had previously been named as a possible site for the relocation of Futenma. In October, Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa dispatched Motomi Inoue, director general of the ministry's Bureau of Local Cooperation, to inspect Shimoji, Ie and other islands in Okinawa Prefecture as possible relocation sites.
During the party, Ozawa reportedly said the DPJ intends to maintain its coalition with the SDP and the People's New Party (PNP) after the House of Councillors election in summer next year. The DPJ is aiming to win a single-party majority in the chamber.
The year-end party was attended by Ozawa and DPJ Diet Affairs Committee Chairman Kenji Yamaoka, Shigeno and Senior Vice Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Minister Kiyomi Tsujimoto from the SDP, PNP Secretary-General Shozaburo Jimi and Policy Research Council Chairman Mikio Shimoji.
(Mainichi Japan) December 30, 2009
December 30, 2009
Top government officials have failed to seriously discuss whether U.S. Marine Corps in Okinawa Prefecture should remain in Japan to deter potential threats by North Korea and China.
Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has recently ruled out the possibility that U.S. Marine Corps troops stationed in Okinawa Prefecture will be totally relocated to Guam, citing their necessity as deterrence.
Currently, about 12,000 troops of the Marine Corps -- consisting of ground, air and logistical troops -- are stationed in the southernmost prefecture. The air troops' helicopter unit uses Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, which Tokyo and Washington had agreed to relocate within the prefecture.
Marine Corps troops are dispatched to the front line if an armed attack occurs and continue the battle until Army, Navy and Air Force units arrive. Since all the Marine Corps troops conduct drills as a single entity, it is considered difficult to relocate its helicopter unit alone out of Japan.
Deterrence is a function of convincing a potential enemy that its planned attack will fail because its risk outweighs its expected results. Before possessing deterrence, a country assumes a threat posed by a potential enemy.
The Japanese and U.S. governments recognize North Korea, which has repeatedly fired ballistic missiles, as a threat, and assume that Marine Corps troops will be deployed to the Korean Peninsula if an armed conflict breaks out there.
It takes a military landing ship based in Okinawa at least two days to reach Pyongyang as the two areas are approximately 1,500 kilometers away. Since Guam and Pyongyang are some 3,500 kilometers apart, it would take at least four days to reach the capital of the secluded state.
On the other hand, Tokyo and Washington do not officially view China, which has been continuing its military buildup, as a threat.
A senior official of the Japanese Defense Ministry points out that the government has not sufficiently discussed what constitutes a threat to Japan.
"Marine Corps troops need to be stationed in Okinawa, considering a possible armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula, but the government hasn't had enough discussions on what else poses a threat to Japan," he said.
It has been pointed out that Chinese forces advanced to the disputed Spratly and Senkaku islands after the U.S. Clark Air Base and Subic Bay Naval Base in the Philippines were closed in 1991 and 1992, respectively. Therefore, many officials in both governments as well as military experts regard China as a threat. Military analyst Kazuhisa Ogawa is one of them.
"The quick reaction capability of Marine Corps in Okinawa can discourage China from its military ambitions," he pointed out. (By Tadashi Sengoku, Political News Department)
(Mainichi Japan) December 30, 2009
Wednesday, Dec. 30, 2009
WASHINGTON (Kyodo) The United States and Japan are in talks about a possible near-term visit to Washington by Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada but have yet to set a date, the State Department said.
"There are discussions going on, but there are no specific dates set," department spokesman Ian Kelly told reporters Monday when asked about Okada's possible visit to the U.S. capital in January amid the row over where to relocate the Futenma military airfield in Okinawa.
Last week, Okada conveyed to Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton Tokyo's plan to make maximum efforts to reach a decision by May on where the base should be transferred.
Washington has pressed Tokyo to stick to the 2006 bilateral deal to move the facility, which currently sits in a residential area in Ginowan, to a less densely populated area in Nago, another Okinawa city.
The 2006 deal is part of a broader agreement on the realignment of U.S. military forces in Japan, including the transfer of 8,000 marines stationed in Okinawa to Guam.
Wednesday, Dec. 30, 2009
Kyodo News
A government panel has confirmed the existence of three secret Japan-U.S. pacts involving the 1960 revision of the bilateral security treaty and the 1972 reversion of Okinawa to Japan, government sources said Tuesday.
It has long been suspected there are four secret pacts.
The pacts that have been confirmed involve Japan's agreement to allow stopovers and passage of U.S. craft carrying nuclear weapons, use of U.S. military bases in the event of a crisis on the Korean Peninsula, and allowing the U.S. to bring nuclear weapons into Okinawa in times of emergency.
The unconfirmed pact reportedly involves Japan's sharing the cost of the reversion of Okinawa.
The panel, led by Shinichi Kitaoka, a professor at the University of Tokyo, plans to file a report on its investigations with Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada by the end of January.
Panel members have examined a Foreign Ministry in-house report on the secret pacts and conducted a series of interviews with retired ministry officials, the sources said.
In the course of the investigation, the panel found minutes for talks between Foreign Minister Aiichiro Fujiyama and U.S. Ambassador to Japan Douglas MacArthur that confirm the existence of a secret pact on the use of U.S. military bases in Japan in the event of fighting on the Korean Peninsula without holding prior consultations with Japan.
A Foreign Ministry panel found what appears to be a draft document suggesting that Japan agreed to exempt stopovers at Japanese ports or passage through Japanese territorial waters by nuclear-armed U.S. warships from a list of matters for prior consultation.
The government panel decided the document substantiates the existence of such a secret pact, according to the sources.
BY KYOHEI MATSUDA
THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
2009/12/30
NEW DELHI--Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and his Indian counterpart, Manmohan Singh, agreed Tuesday on an action plan for greater cooperation in maritime security.
The two leaders signed a joint statement that included a number of specific measures for a comprehensive national security cooperation framework that was agreed upon in October 2008 between Singh and Prime Minister Taro Aso.
Tuesday's agreement covers nine areas, including frequent discussions between the top officials of the two countries' foreign and defense ministries to strengthen cooperation to protect sea lanes in the Indian Ocean.
The agreement also calls for maritime security dialogue and joint training exercises as well as cooperative measures to deal with natural disasters. India and Japan have dispatched naval vessels off Somalia to deal with pirates.
In an interview with an Indian newspaper, Hatoyama said it is important for the Indian Navy and the Maritime Self-Defense Force to improve interoperability and coordination in anti-piracy measures and protecting sea lanes.
In his meeting with Singh, Hatoyama urged India to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty as soon as possible. Singh indicated India might ratify the treaty if the United States and China signed on.
Singh also expressed understanding toward Hatoyama's proposal for an East Asia community.
But the two leaders could not push forward discussions on an economic partnership agreement (EPA). Among the issues on which the two sides were far apart were simplifying the process for approving medicines and improving the status of Indian nationals living in Japan.
The two leaders confirmed they would instruct government officials to accelerate discussions on an EPA.(IHT/Asahi: December 30,2009)
BY HIROO SUNAOSHI AND TATSURO SAKATA
THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
2009/12/30
A policy study group of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has remained unregistered as a political organization for nearly seven years, enabling it to escape legal requirements for fund reports and donations, The Asahi Shimbun has found.
Hatoyama's side footed much of the group's expenses, estimated at more than 10 million yen a year, sources said.
Failure to register such a group could violate various provisions of the Political Fund Control Law that also extend to policy study groups of Diet members, according to the internal affairs ministry.
Yoshikatsu Nakayama, a special adviser to Hatoyama and the group's acting head, said it was not registered because members regarded it as a "loosely organized" private group.
"But if it is desirable to register it, we must rectify the situation," said Nakayama, a Democratic Party of Japan lawmaker. "We will discuss the issue."
The latest suspicion concerning the prime minister's money affairs surfaced as two of his former state-paid aides were indicted last week on charges of violating the Political Fund Control Law.
They are accused of falsifying political fund reports to conceal the flow of money from Hatoyama's mother. Part of the funds, along with Hatoyama's own cash, may have been used for the group.
One of the former aides was in charge of accounting for the group in question, currently named "Seiken Koyaku o Jitsugensuru Kai" (group to carry out election pledges).
The group was formed within the DPJ in February 2003 to strengthen Hatoyama's support base.
Hatoyama had led the group until he became prime minister in September. Akihiro Ohata, a Lower House member, replaced him. It has about 45 members.
Similar policy study groups of former DPJ leaders Ichiro Ozawa and Naoto Kan are registered under the Political Fund Control Law, as are the factions within the opposition Liberal Democratic Party.
Hatoyama's group meets every Thursday when the Diet is in session to discuss policies by inviting speakers.
It also held a seminar at a hotel in Karuizawa, Nagano Prefecture, twice a year. Participants paid for accommodation and travel expenses, but not for renting seminar rooms or lecturers' remunerations, according to sources.
A group source denied ever paying for monthly wining and dining sessions.
The source said the group initially collected membership fees to pay for its office rent. But after the fee was discontinued, Hatoyama's side covered most of the rent and other costs.
However, Hatoyama's fund management organization only reported 500,000 yen in expenses for renting seminar rooms for a 2007 meeting of the group.
Under the political fund law, a politician is allowed to donate up to 1.5 million yen to a political organization a year. Hatoyama's payment for the group could have exceeded the quantitative limit.
Leading members of the group, including Hirofumi Hirano and Sakihito Ozawa, are now Cabinet members.
Takeshi Tsuchimoto, a former supreme public prosecutor, said the unregistered group goes against the spirit of the political fund law aimed at keeping flows of funds under public scrutiny.
An aide to a DPJ lawmaker said the group probably made things "very convenient" for Hatoyama's former aide because there was no need to falsify reports on covert fund flows.(IHT/Asahi: December 30,2009)
2009/12/30
A working team of the government and the ruling coalition parties, tasked with exploring new relocation sites for the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, held its first meeting Monday.
The administration of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama is starting all over again after muddling through this issue for more than 100 days since its inauguration.
Three years ago, Tokyo and Washington agreed upon the Henoko district of Nago in Okinawa Prefecture as the relocation site.
While the Hatoyama administration has not rejected this option yet, we believe that the working team should explore every possible alternative outside Okinawa Prefecture.
That's a tall order, of course.
We simply cannot imagine any local government willing to host a U.S. military base at the price of exposing local residents to unwanted noise and possible hazards caused by base personnel, such as accidents and crimes.
Even if the Hatoyama administration decides on a new site, there is no guarantee that the U.S. government, which remains set in its belief that Henoko is the only realistic solution, will accept the decision.
Negotiations are bound to get stormy.
Fully aware of such difficulties, and nevertheless willing to take the gamble of reviewing the Japan-U.S. agreement, the Hatoyama administration must be genuinely determined to correct the abnormal situation where 75 percent of U.S. bases in Japan are concentrated in Okinawa Prefecture.
It means a lot that the Hatoyama administration will take advantage of the nation's historic regime change to rise to this formidable challenge.
But the administration must bear one thing in mind.
That is, the presence of Marines in Okinawa Prefecture has served as a deterrence against threats to regional security, including Japan's, and the deterrence needs to be maintained in one form or another.
All future discussions should be based on this understanding.
In that sense, Hatoyama raised a good point when he noted last weekend that it would be difficult to transfer all Marines stationed at the Futenma airfield to Guam.
Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano, who chairs the working team, has voiced his agreement with Hatoyama.
The question of how the rest of Japan should share Okinawa's base-related burden dogged the nation for decades before the Democratic Party of Japan came to power.
Referring to Okinawa's history as a bloody battleground and a "shield" to protect the Japanese mainland during World War II, Osaka Governor Toru Hashimoto recently indicated his readiness to discuss the possibility of relocating the Futenma airfield to Kansai International Airport.
In the past, some sites of U.S. live-fire exercises in Okinawa Prefecture were moved to five locations, including Hokkaido and Miyagi Prefecture.
Kanagawa, Yamaguchi and Aomori prefectures, among others, have also agreed to take in U.S. military installations.
We must think beyond the Futenma issue and correctly understand the gravity of what it means to Japan as a nation to move a U.S. military base out of Okinawa Prefecture.
Hatoyama has committed himself to deciding on the Futenma relocation site by May.
But there is skepticism about his resolve, with the Upper House election coming up in summer.
Hatoyama's waffling over the Futenma issue, combined with policy inconsistency within his own Cabinet, has given Washington the impression that the administration is not even sure of its own foreign policy.
Any further show of indecision will cause the public to lose their faith in the Hatoyama administration and could even ruin its chances of reaching some sort of domestic agreement on where to relocate the Futenma airfield.
The public will definitely not forgive Hatoyama for any further procrastination. The administration's credibility is on the line.
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 29(IHT/Asahi: December 30,2009)
THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
2009/12/30
Dear Mr. Ichiro Ozawa:
In June 2008, you agreed to my request for an interview. As the president of the Democratic Party of Japan at the time, you called for "a revolution" through a change of government. Perhaps it was an unexpected miscalculation that you had to step down as party president over a political donation scandal less than a year later. But you supervised the Lower House election this summer and led the DPJ to a landslide victory, finally realizing your long-cherished wish. Let me offer my congratulations, albeit belatedly.
It is my guess that deep inside, you are relieved that you did not have to become prime minister. Am I not right? A prime minister would be chased around day in and day out by reporters who shower him or her with questions.
In the Diet, a prime minister takes the brunt of attacks by the opposition. It is difficult for a prime minister to act stealthily whereas the secretary-general of a ruling party can wield real power over the Diet and the party. Apparently, the latter post comes more naturally to you.
Your recent comments on the hastily arranged meeting between visiting Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping and Emperor Akihito stirred controversy. If the government wants to arrange a meeting between the emperor and a foreign dignitary, it is required by protocol to file a request with the Imperial Household Agency at least 30 days in advance.
However, the administration ignored it and made an exception in favor of Xi. Shingo Haketa, grand steward of the agency, took the government's defiance of the "30-day rule" as political intervention and made a comment of protest: "I don't want this to ever happen again."
After you heard the comment, you angrily told a news conference: "What is an official of a bureau of the Cabinet saying? If he wants to object, he should do so after turning in his resignation."
Perhaps you had a reason for your reaction. Still, I was surprised that you would make such a harsh comment against the grand steward, who is in a position to protect the emperor.
I was reminded of the time Hu Yaobang visited Japan in 1983 and delivered the first speech in the Diet by a Chinese government leader. While Hu was general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party at the time, the Japanese government initially informed the Chinese side of its plan to have him speak in the Diet members' dining hall and not the Diet itself, saying, "Even if he is a leader of the party, there is no precedent for a foreign dignitary who is not a representative of a state to speak in the Diet."
However, Hu was China's de facto No. 1 man. The Chinese Embassy in Tokyo entreated the Japanese government that such treatment would cause China to lose face. In the end, then Foreign Minister Shintaro Abe said, "I understand."
Abe worked behind the scenes to win the support of pro-Taiwan Diet members and had Hu speak at a plenary session of the Lower House. Considering the importance of Japan-China relations, it was the right decision. As a result, Abe increased his political clout as a promising candidate for prime minister.
Breaking protocol
You must have made a similar judgment, that it is unwise to allow rigid precedents and rules to stand in the way and undermine national interests.
Still, this is a subtle problem that has to do with how the emperor system should be. Instead of speaking so high-handedly, you could have spoken more moderately and said something like: "I thought the grand steward of the Imperial Household Agency is a loyal man who pays close attention to the emperor's health. But since the next-generation top leader of an extremely important neighbor is coming to visit Japan, I would like the emperor to meet him at any cost. This is not an idea of a single Cabinet or a political party but is an important matter that could affect Japan's future. I also think the decision is in accord with common sense. While the 30-day rule may be observed as a general principle, is it also not the role of the grand steward to respect such wishes of the prime minister and act accordingly?"
Still, I expect opinions would be divided, but expansion of needless friction could have been avoided. What good would it do to further stimulate the opposition Liberal Democratic Party and involve the emperor in a political dispute?
To begin with, the Imperial Household Agency showed displeasure because it was suddenly informed of "the prime minister's will" when Xi's visit was imminent. Previously, the agency had the understanding from Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and Chief Cabinet Secretary Hirofumi Hirano that the meeting would be difficult because of the 30-day rule.
The situation shows the Cabinet lacked consistency. But the situation drastically changed once the Chinese ambassador petitioned you. The development made us realize the dual-power structure was in place. It was little wonder the situation raised suspicions that you even control the emperor's meetings with foreign dignitaries.
There is another point I wish to address. It was unfortunate that you happened to visit China with a huge entourage of more than 600 people just before Xi's visit. Moreover, you had as many as 143 Diet members meet with Chinese President Hu Jintao. Each lawmaker shook hands with Hu and had their pictures taken with the Chinese leader.
The president is the head of state who can be considered the emperor's counterpart.
I don't want to think that meeting was meant to offset the preferential treatment given to Vice President Xi. But watching the scene on television, I could not help but feel somewhat embarrassed.
Apparently because of time constraints, I heard members of your entourage were told not to present business cards or to speak. That reminds me of the time when some Japanese politicians visited the United States and asked for a meeting with the president, even for a minute. U.S. government officials in Washington laughed off the requests because all the Japanese politicians wanted was to have their pictures taken. I don't understand why you of all people who despise such behavior did what you did.
Hatoyama being tested
Three months have passed since the Hatoyama administration emerged with a bang. With the problem of the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma still up in the air, Japan-U.S. relations are facing difficulties. The state of the economy is also serious and the budget bill for fiscal 2010 is set to face a revenue shortage on an unparalleled scale. Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's leadership is being tested in many policy areas.
It was during the administration of Morihiro Hosokawa, which was established 16 years ago, that a Japan-U.S. summit broke down over economic issues and a power struggle surfaced within the coalition government over a proposal to introduce a national welfare tax.
Hosokawa's political donation scandal dealt a "body blow" to the coalition government. The current situation surrounding Hatoyama resembles that of Hosokawa, doesn't it? Back then, you were the secretary-general of the now-defunct Japan Renewal Party, the key party of the ruling coalition. At various junctures, you made your presence felt behind the scenes just as you do now.
Incidentally, your aide's trial over dubious political donations has started. This must also be a headache for you. At any rate, please be careful not to repeat the same mistake like the last time, when Hosokawa abandoned his job as prime minister and efforts to maintain the coalition failed. Please forgive me for my rudeness.
* * *
The author is an Asahi Shimbun columnist.(IHT/Asahi: December 30,2009)
December 31 2009 13:13 
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