Showing posts with label YomiuriShimbun. Show all posts
Showing posts with label YomiuriShimbun. Show all posts
Tuesday, August 31, 2010
Monday, August 30, 2010
Daily Yomiuri Online :: Monday, August 30, 2010
- Govt FX project at standstill / Nation's air defense at stake in selection of next-generation fighter jet (Aug.30)
- NPO aims to dispatch student teachers / Inspired by U.S. program, founder seeks to reduce income-based gaps in education (Aug.30) [Akihiko Kano]
- Japan-South Korea ties / Baseball mirrors bilateral ties (Aug.30)
- INSIGHTS INTO THE WORLD / Hormuz's security vital part of Japan's diplomacy (Aug.30) [Masayuki Yamauchi]
- Editorial :: Japan, ROK must partner, compete for future (Aug.30)
Sunday, August 29, 2010
Japan-South Korea ties / South Korea aiming high / Seeks to be world leader as economic strength increases
The Yomiuri Shimbun
Today, Aug. 29, marks the centennial of the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty of 1910. This is the first installment of a series on the current state of the two countries' bilateral relationship, which has been evolving rapidly.
Many South Koreans have hated and envied Japan since this country annexed the Korean Peninsula 100 years ago, while many in Japan have looked down on Koreans, but with the recent rise of the South Korean economy, Japan can no longer afford such arrogance.
One recent example took place in Cambodia, a country Japan has thoroughly supported since the end of its civil war in the 1990s. In Sihanoukville, Cambodia's only full-fledged port city, a special economic zone is being developed using part of 20 billion yen in yen loans extended by Japan.
Covering about 70 hectares, the equivalent of 70 baseball fields, the zone is expected to have a profound effect on Cambodia's development.
A senior official at a Cambodian public corporation involved in the development was shocked when an official of Samsung Group, South Korea's largest chaebol, announced that the group wanted to lease all the land in the zone. The special economic zone is scheduled to be completed in autumn next year; not even the rents have been decided yet.
"This can't be. Japan was the country that provided assistance [for the zone]," the official thought. He declined politely but was unable to hide his surprise at Samsung's offer to in effect buy the zone, to take on Cambodia's entire future.
"I think [Samsung] planned to construct factories for TVs and air conditioners, to establish a major base aimed at the global market," he said.
Dalian--in China's Liaoning Province--has been considered a stronghold of Japanese companies. However, Changxing Island, off the coast of Wafangdian in Dalian, looks like a South Korean island.
South Korea's STX Corp., the world's fourth-largest shipbuilding company, invested 3 billion dollars (about 255 billion yen) to build factories there that employ more than 10,000 people. The number is to be increased by another 10,000 within a few years, sources said.
Japanese companies are losing ground to South Korean firms in many places around the world.
In home electrical appliances--an industry Japan has dominated--Samsung Electronics Co. made about 10.93 trillion won (about 780 billion yen) in operating profits in 2009, more than Japan's nine major electric companies combined.
In the same year, South Korea's trade surplus topped Japan's for the first time. The country's living standards are rapidly approaching those of Japan, and confidence is growing.
An increasing number of South Korean intellectuals now say the country's modern history began in the colonial period. It was breaking a taboo to accept this new idea and calmly link South Korea's current situation as an economically strong nation with what it learned from Japan in the past.
"Remarkably, the unilateral condemnation of Japan has faded. This is a great change that I couldn't have imagined," said Prof. Lee Yong Hoon of Seoul University, who advocated this theory in a 2006 book.
The Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property, an organization directly under the South Korean president, ended its activities in July. The commission was set up in 2006 to seize property and other assets from the descendants of people identified as Japanese collaborators.
South Korean President Lee Myung Bak said the country will become a leading advanced nation.
"We aim to become the world's best in business and sports, and have the No. 1 pop star," a person knowledgeable about the South Korean economy said.
The longstanding historical constrictions on Japan and South Korea seem to be easing.
(Aug. 29, 2010)
Saturday, August 28, 2010
Friday, August 27, 2010
Daily Yomiuri Online :: Friday, August 27, 2010
- Is Ozawa fired up by Kan's cold shoulder? (Aug.27)
- Ozawa enters DPJ race / Gets backing from Hatoyama; campaign may rupture party (Aug.27)
- Scandal hanging over Ozawa / Bid for DPJ presidency meets with lukewarm response from public (Aug.27)
- ECONOMIC FORUM / Late-summer greetings to Kan Cabinet! (Aug.27)
- Editorial :: Govt, BOJ should move on yen--now (Aug.27)
Futenma Replacement Facility - US / Japan Talks
「共同使用」日米隔たり…普天間の代替施設協議
沖縄県の米軍普天間飛行場移設問題を巡り、日米両政府は２６日、同県名護市辺野古につくる代替施設について検討する外務、防衛当局の専門家協議を外務省で開き、報告書の取りまとめに向けて詰めの協議を行った。
代替施設に関しては５月の日米合意に盛り込まれた「米軍と自衛隊との間の施設の共同使用」の中身などで意見の隔たりがあり、両政府は２７日も協議を継続し、３１日にも報告書を公表したい考えだ。
両政府は代替施設に関し〈１〉工法は埋め立て方式〈２〉滑走路は米側支持の「Ｖ字案」（滑走路２本）と日本が提案した「Ｉ字案」（同１本）の併記——を報告書に盛り込むことで大筋合意している。
ただ、代替施設の共同使用では、日本が自衛隊を常駐させての共同管理を主張しているのに対し、米側はあくまで施設の管理は米軍が行うとし、共同使用は米軍の許可の下で自衛隊が施設を使う「一時使用」との立場を崩していない。
日本側の主張には、施設内での事故や環境汚染に対処でき、周辺住民への配慮につながるとの考えがあるが、２６日の協議でも結論に至らなかった。このため、報告書には共同使用に関する詳細な記述が盛り込まれない公算が大きくなっている。
（2010年8月27日03時07分 読売新聞）
Thursday, August 26, 2010
Wednesday, August 25, 2010
Tuesday, August 24, 2010
Daily Yomiuri Online :: Tuesday, August 24, 2010
- U.S. presses Japan to boost sanctions against Iran (Aug.24) [by Keiichi Honma]
- Kan begins preparing for election / Meets with freshman lawmakers from both houses to strengthen unity (Aug.24)
- POLITICAL PULSE / Will Ozawa dare to run for presidency of DPJ ? (Aug.24) [by Akitoshi Muraoka]
- Editorial :: Open discussion needed on taping interrogations (Aug.24)
Monday, August 23, 2010
Sunday, August 22, 2010
Decision on Futenma relocation unlikely until at least 2011
Satoshi Ogawa / Yomiuri Shimbun Correspondent
WASHINGTON--It has become almost certain that essential details of the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture will remain unresolved until at least 2011, as the Japanese and U.S. governments have basically agreed to abandon the Aug. 31 deadline they set earlier.
The two governments agreed Thursday on the outline of a report--to be released by working-level experts from both countries by the end of this month--regarding an exact location for the Futenma replacement facility and the design of its runway, according to sources familiar with the matter.
The outline calls for the forthcoming report to incorporate two plans as "feasible options" for the relocation facility: two runways in a V-shaped formation or a single runway, with the understanding that the facility will be located on the shore of the Henoko district in Nago in the prefecture, they said.
Incorporating both plans into the report means postponing a final decision on the specifics of the replacement base, which runs counter to the Tokyo-Washington agreement reached May 28 to complete "without fail" the task of specifying the location, runway design and construction method for the facility by the end of August, the sources said.
Prime Minister Naoto Kan's government sees the extension as inevitable, because finalizing the details of the relocation at this time would further alienate the Okinawa prefectural government, they said. The Okinawa government has steadfastly opposed relocating the functions of the Futenma facility within the prefecture.
The bilateral consultations among experts took place for three days through Thursday at the U.S. Defense Department, State Department and elsewhere in Washington, the sources said.
Broad agreements were reached on two points. One, the facility should be built somewhere in the seaside area of Henoko in Nago, in a method similar to what was agreed upon by Japan and the United States in 2006. Two, the facility should be built on reclaimed land.
The U.S. side reiterated its position that a V-shaped formation of two runways, conatined in the 2006 accord, was the best option.
The Japanese side, however, insisted that a single runway be included as a possible alternative in the report, the sources said. It did so in a bid to prevent Okinawa residents from feeling that a decision was being made with no consideration for their wishes, the sources said.
At the start of the latest consultations, both the Japanese and U.S. governments intended to finish compiling a number of details, but they were once again unable to avoid putting off a decision, U.S. government sources said.
According to the Japanese sources, the failure to determine details of the planned relocation has made it extremely difficult to hold a meeting of foreign and defense ministers from Tokyo and Washington, or two-plus-two talks, to formally decide on the relocation issue before the forthcoming Okinawa Prefecture gubernatorial election scheduled for Nov. 28.
Given that the Futenma problem cannot be settled in time for U.S. President Barack Obama's scheduled visit to Japan in mid-November, there are strong indications that the relocation of the air station will remain unresolved until 2011 and perhaps even later, the sources said.
Prior to the release of the report at the end of August, the two governments will hold a final round of expert consultations on the Futenma issue on Thursday and Friday in Tokyo to finalize the wording of the report and how to release it to the public, they said.
(Aug. 22, 2010)
Saturday, August 21, 2010
Editorial :: DPJ should debate policy, shun politicking
With less than two weeks
On Thursday, former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama held a seminar for members of his group. The meeting was attended by former DPJ Secretary General Ichiro Ozawa, who heads the ruling party's largest segment.
Ozawa is reportedly considering running in the presidential race, provided he can receive support from a wide range of DPJ members, including those of the Hatoyama group. This has given rise to speculation that Ozawa's attendance at the Thursday meeting may have been part of his preparations for the election.
The seminar, which attracted about 150 DPJ lawmakers, served to display Hatoyama's continuing influence within the party. After stepping down as prime minister in early June, Hatoyama at one time expressed his intention to retire from politics.
Hatoyama's move could be seen as an attempt to regain his lost political privileges, by taking advantage of the obvious advances being made toward him by both Prime Minister Naoto Kan and Ozawa. Kan is apparently trying to woo Hatoyama to his side, in the hope of ensuring his reelection as DPJ chief and consequently prime minister. Ozawa is behaving in a similar fashion as he explores the possibility of running in the Sept. 14 election.
DPJ chiefs must fulfill duties
During Thursday's seminar, Hatoyama reiterated his assertion that the DPJ must be firmly united in running the country as the ruling party. He has said he will support Kan's bid to win reelection as DPJ leader if all the party's groups close ranks with each other.
However, we believe both Ozawa and Hatoyama must look squarely at their respective must-do lists, instead of engaging in calculated activities tied to their party's election.
Hatoyama bears a heavy responsibility for the rift created in the Japan-U.S. relationship as a result of the turmoil that arose from his inconsistent approach to the dispute over the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture. Both Hatoyama and Ozawa have yet to fulfill their duty to fully explain about their connections with politics-and-money scandals.
How do Hatoyama and Ozawa appear to the public in these circumstances? These DPJ heavyweights are obviously resorting to an alliance as a political expedient, instead of reflecting on the scandals that erupted when the former was head of the DPJ and the latter was the party's secretary general.
Ozawa deserves particular reproach as a Tokyo inquest of prosecution panel continues to reconsider the pros and cons of prosecutors' earlier decision not to indict him over the politics-and-money scandal. If Ozawa enters the DPJ election, he should explain what he will do to settle the dispute over the scandal politically, morally and otherwise.
Use election opportunity
Meanwhile, Kan's attitude is no less problematic. During a press conference in late July, he said the list of pledges he would prepare for the DPJ race would not include a rise in the consumption tax rate. Is it acceptable for Kan to use his party's setback in the last House of Councillors election as a reason for retracting his promise to restore fiscal health?
We believe the prime minister should more actively use the DPJ race as an opportunity to deepen intraparty discussions about the controversy over the consumption tax rate.
Another important issue to be taken up in campaigning for the race is how to treat the DPJ manifesto for last year's House of Representatives election.
It is easy to see the DPJ-led government will be unable to continue such lavish handouts as child-rearing allowances and toll-free services on expressways, when one considers the need to raise a massive amount of funds for such measures.
The DPJ government cannot avoid fundamentally reconsidering the electoral manifesto, given its year-end budget compilation.
Last year's change in administration means the DPJ race is comparable to the Liberal Democratic Party's earlier presidential elections in that the winner will, in effect, gain a passport to the premiership.
The DPJ should take this to heart. The upcoming presidential race must provide its candidates with an opportunity to compete to discuss what shape our country should take and present policies that would affect people's lives.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 20, 2010)
(Aug. 21, 2010)
Futenma Relocation Plan
普天間移設２案併記…滑走路、一本化見送り
【ワシントン＝小川聡】沖縄県の米軍普天間飛行場移設問題で、日米両政府は１９日、代替施設の位置や滑走路の配置などについて二つの案を併記した報告書の概要をまとめ、今月末に発表することで合意した。
同県名護市辺野古沿岸部に２本の滑走路をＶ字形に配置する従来の計画通りの「Ｖ字案」と、日本政府が新たに提案した滑走路１本の「Ｉ字案」の両案を実現可能な案として併記する。代替施設をめぐっては、５月末の日米合意で具体的な検討を８月末までに終えると明記したが、沖縄県側から「県内移設」への同意が得られない中、結局、絞り込みを先送りする結果となった。
代替施設をめぐり、両政府は１９日までの３日間、米国防総省や国務省で専門家協議を行った。その結果、工法は埋め立てを採用し、現行計画とほぼ同じ名護市辺野古地区に建設することで大筋一致した。ただ、滑走路の配置や形態などについては、沖縄側の頭越しの決定と受け止められることを避けるため、一本化を見送ることにした。米側はこれまで、従来の「Ｖ字案」を最善だとしてきたが、沖縄の理解を得ることを条件に、「Ｉ字案」も候補として受け入れる姿勢を示した。
５月２８日の日米共同声明では、「代替施設の位置、配置及び工法に関する専門家による検討を速やかに（いかなる場合でも８月末日までに）完了する」としている。日米両政府も当初は「一つの具体案を決める認識だった」（米政府筋）が、結論はまた先送りされる形だ。
協議筋によると、これに伴い、具体的な計画を決める外務、防衛担当閣僚による日米安保協議委員会（２プラス２）は、１１月末の沖縄県知事選前に開くことが極めて困難となった。普天間問題は、１１月中旬に予定されるオバマ米大統領の訪日までには解決できず、来年以降への先送りが濃厚になった。
専門家協議では、２００５年１０月の在日米軍再編中間報告で考慮された〈１〉安全性〈２〉騒音〈３〉環境への影響〈４〉運用性〈５〉地元生活への影響——の５要素について、両案の利点や欠点を比較・検討した。その結果、Ｖ字案は、２本の滑走路を離着陸時に使い分けて集落上空の飛行を完全に避けられる利点があるのに対し、Ｉ字案は、埋め立て面積がＶ字案より２５％少なく、工期や工費を短縮、削減できることなどを報告書に盛り込む見通しだ。
両政府は２６、２７日に東京で最後の専門家協議を開き、文言や発表方法などの最終調整を行う予定だ。
（2010年8月21日03時07分 読売新聞）
Friday, August 20, 2010
SDF exercises to 'recapture' Nansei island / Simulation aims to send China signal
The Yomiuri Shimbun
The Self-Defense Forces will conduct exercises simulating the recapture of an isolated island from enemy forces in December, Defense Ministry sources said, the first such drills by the SDF and seen as a response to China's recent naval expansion.
The exercises will be based on the newly compiled defense program for the Nansei Islands, which includes the Okinawa Islands.
The primary location will be the Ground Self-Defense Force's 4,900-hectare Hijudai maneuver site in Oita Prefecture, according to the sources. An additional exercise will also take place in a drill area around the real Nansei Islands, the sources explained. The island-reclaiming drills will be part of joint exercises with the U.S. military and the U.S. Navy's 7th Fleet will provide support.
The Defense Ministry has so far refrained from carrying out major simulations of the recapture of isolated islands, due mainly to political considerations involving neighboring countries.
However, Chinese naval fleets held exercises and made provocative acts toward SDF vessels in March and April near the Nansei Islands. The Chinese Navy and Air Force have been very active in recent years, posing a sizable threat to Japan's security.
"We'll show China that Japan has the will and the capability to defend the Nansei Islands. [The exercises] will serve as a deterrent," a senior ministry official explained.
At Hijudai, SDF troops will be separated into a Blue Force (Japan) and a Red Force (enemy forces), with part of the maneuvering ground demarcated as a remote island of the Nansei Islands. The Red Force will land on the "island," where no SDF units are deployed, occupy it and set up ground-to-air missile launchers and other facilities. The Red Force will also deploy naval vessels in the surrounding sea.
After this initial set-up, an order to mobilize the SDF will be issued and the Defense Ministry will scramble Air Self-Defense Force F-2 fighters, which have advanced air-to-ground and antiship attack capabilities, and Maritime Self-Defense Force P-3C antisubmarine patrol aircraft.
While undermining the Red Force's antiaircraft capability, the Blue Force will send eight ASDF C-130 Hercules transport planes, carrying about 250 troops that include elite GSDF airborne brigade units, to the island. The C-130 planes will be escorted by ASDF F-15 Eagle fighters to approach the island.
Next, the airborne brigades will parachute down to the island and subdue the Red Force under protective fire from the MSDF and ASDF, finally recapturing the island, according to the scenario.
The ministry plans to make part of the exercises public, the sources added.
In April, Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa said he would include expenses for researching deployment of the SDF on Yonagunijima island in the Nansei Islands in its budget for fiscal 2011. China claims sovereignty over the Senkaku Islands in Ishigaki, Okinawa Prefecture, while South and North Korea claim territorial rights over Takeshima, Shimane Prefecture.
Halting China's expansion a must
By Hidemichi Katsumata
Yomiuri Shimbun Senior Writer
"In principle, Japan will repel limited, small acts of aggression by itself," was an expression previously used in the National Defense Program Guidelines, but the phrase disappeared 15 years ago.
Since that time, the government's mood has depended on whether U.S. officials have clearly stated that the Senkaku Islands fall under the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. The U.S. government has repeatedly demanded Japan fulfill its "role and mission" during defense consultations. This is because the United States thinks "Japan should prepare to defend its own territory," according to a senior Defense Ministry official.
The planned exercises are a groundbreaking move, assuming the SDF can complete the task almost entirely on its own. It will also be a good opportunity to reinforce cooperation between U.S. forces and the SDF.
Of course, many problems remain. The SDF has limited ability to quickly send troops to the Nansei Islands, which stretch about 1,300 kilometers from south to north. Nor is there a plan for the evacuation of residents. The only way to solve these problems is through repeating similar exercises.
However, one thing is certain. It must be demonstrated to China, which has been strengthening its military capability and plans to expand its sphere of influence, that the SDF and the U.S. military form a watertight defense array. This will serve as the most effective deterrent.
(Aug. 20, 2010)
Thursday, August 19, 2010
Editorial :: Intl cooperation vital in South China Sea
The Yomiuri Shimbun
China is using its powerful navy to aggressively advance into the South China Sea, a key junction of international sea-lanes. The United States and countries in Asia are increasingly wary of China's moves.
The U.S. Defense Department said Monday in its annual report to Congress that "current trends in China's military capabilities are a major factor in changing East Asian military balances," referring to its moves in the South China Sea.
Japan also cannot overlook China's moves given the fact that it relies on marine transportation for imports of 90 percent of its energy and 60 percent of its food. The government must deepen cooperation with the United States, Vietnam, India and other countries concerned to resolve the problem.
Territorial disputes
The South China Sea, dotted with more than 200 islands and reefs, including the Spratly Islands, is the stage for several territorial disputes involving China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and other countries.
In recent years, China has been causing friction with other countries by dispatching its warships in the area on the pretext of protecting its fishing boats.
China is currently building a large submarine base on Hainan Island in the South China Sea. A recent series of such moves can be interpreted as the country's attempt to bring the entire South China Sea under its control, not only for the sake of protecting its interests in oil and maritime resources but also for military reasons, such as to deter any possible intervention by U.S. forces in the event of an emergency involving Taiwan.
China has used the expression "core interests" in regard to its sovereignty and territorial integrity when it refers to Taiwan and Tibet. Recently, the country said it considered the South China Sea part of its "core interests" as well, a move that underlines concerns over China's possible intentions behind its latest moves.
The South China Sea is crossed by vital international sea-lanes that connect the Middle East with the Northeast Asia. No country can be allowed to make exclusive moves in the area. We strongly urge China to restrain itself.
Multilateralism a must
Vietnam and other Asian countries are calling on China to resolve territorial disputes through multinational negotiations. But China is unwilling to relax its position that countries claiming sovereignty should separately hold bilateral negotiations.
However, if territorial disputes develop into military conflicts, they would significantly affect all countries that use the area's sea-lanes. Given that, it will be reasonable to hold multinational negotiations among countries with interests in the area to discuss ways to ease tensions and measures to build trust.
It may also be a good idea to take up the issue at the East Asia Summit, which the United States also plans to join.
In order to persuade China to sit down for multinational negotiations, it will be essential for countries sharing concerns to cooperate with each other.
The Japanese government launched dialogues on a strategic partnership with India at the end of last year and with Vietnam last month, with the participation of both foreign and defense authorities. We urge the government to proactively take advantage of such dialogues and promote joint actions to alleviate tensions in the South China Sea.
(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Aug. 18, 2010)
(Aug. 19, 2010)
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