Sunday, February 1, 2009

Japan's PM faces political storm after Davos


01 February 2009 1602 hrs (SST)

TOKYO : Japan's embattled Prime Minister Taro Aso on Sunday prepared for tough questioning in parliament over the ailing economy and upcoming polls as he returned home from the World Economic Forum in Davos.

Aso - who took office in late September and has seen his approval rating plummet since to less than 20 percent - has repeatedly rejected calls for snap polls from the opposition, which controls the upper house of parliament.

The opposition has denounced a stimulus package which the prime minister pushed through parliament last week to revive Asia's largest economy, calling it a waste of taxpayers' money that will not save Japan from the depths of recession.

Local media criticised Aso for his performance in Davos, where he pledged 1.5 trillion yen (17 billion dollars) in aid to other Asian nations.

Aso fumbled his keynote speech in Switzerland and referred to former British premier Tony Blair several times as "Tony Brown" - an apparent mix-up with current Prime Minister Gordon Brown.

"The premier remained the same in that he lacked carefulness," the Fuji TV network said.

"Prime Minister Aso is expected to remain in a situation which does not warrant optimism in both domestic politics and foreign affairs," TV Asahi noted.

The conservative Sankei was a bit more charitable, saying in its Internet edition that Aso may simply have become mixed up due to the fact that he was only in Switzerland for seven hours.

On Monday, Aso will answer questions in the upper house of parliament, where the opposition's calls for snap polls are mounting.

Aso's Liberal Democratic Party-led ruling coalition is expected to lose its majority in the lower house when Japan goes to the polls. The prime minister must call a general election by September.

The government's controversial economic stimulus package includes a plan to give the public two trillion yen in a bid to kickstart domestic spending, but the opposition says the coalition is trying to buy votes ahead of the elections.

The plan still needs to be backed by a separate bill to provide funding for the handout.

In Davos, Aso highlighted Japan's efforts to increase domestic demand with stimulus packages worth a total of 75 trillion yen, calling for other nations to adopt similar economic policies.

"I would like to close my remarks today by reiterating my strong belief that with firm will any difficulties can be overcome," Aso said.

But the influential Asahi newspaper said: "The gap between the premier's words and the plight of the Japanese economy is conspicuous." - AFP/ms

U.S. list of graves of 6,000 POWs found




The Yomiuri Shimbun


A list containing the names and burial sites of about 6,000 Japanese servicemen who died after being taken prisoner during the Pacific War has been found at the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.

It states that burial grounds are located across a wide area, with sites in places such as Hawaii, Indonesia, the Philippines, India and Okinawa Prefecture.

The list likely will prove valuable in efforts to find remains and identify people who died in war zones in southern areas of the Pacific War theater--places where little progress has been made so far in identifying remains.

The list was drawn up in March 1952 by an intelligence agency concerned with U.S. prisoners of war.

While there may be some duplication, the names of 5,979 Japanese servicemen and civilian military employees have been written in the Roman alphabet on the list.

The 400 or so page list details the unit, rank and POW number of each person, as well as the date and cause of death, and the name of the burial site. "Documents listing the burial grounds of POWs have never been found before," a Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry official said.

Most of the burial grounds are located at U.S. military bases.

Volunteers at a Saga Prefecture-based nonprofit organization, the Association that Promotes Peace and Reverence for World War II Casualties, work to return the remains of the dead and their belongings to their families. In July last year, the association received a report from a resident of the Palo municipality on the Philippine island of Leyte that stated the "U.S. military buried Japanese soldiers [there]."

This prompted the association to request Nichimy, a Tokyo-based firm that deals with matters such as investigating U.S. military documentation, to look into the report.

Nichimy found the list after examining tens of thousands of documents, including battle reports from Leyte, at the archives between August and November last year. It also unearthed a map showing the locations of burial grounds in Palo.

The association plans to post the names and other listed details on its Web site and appeal for information. Association members also plan to visit Palo in April with the aim of finding the remains of servicemen who died after being taken prisoner.

(Feb. 1, 2009)

Nakagawa's ex-secretary reportedly made 6.6 mil. yen from shady deal




The Yomiuri Shimbun


A certified public accountant used part of the money he is alleged to have swindled the former Goodwill Group Inc. (GWG) out of to buy another company, helping a then secretary of former Liberal Democratic Party Secretary General Hidenao Nakagawa profit from his investment in the company, The Yomiuri Shimbun has found.

The cell phone research company, Mobile Judge, based in Minato Ward, Tokyo, was acquired at an unusually high price by the accountant, helping Nakagawa's former secretary, who sold his shares in the Tokyo company, to make a profit of 6.6 million yen.

A source close to the accountant told The Yomiuri Shimbun that the accountant and others believed it would help to have a connection with the former LDP secretary general.

In the previously reported fraud case, the 51-year-old accountant allegedly siphoned off about 18 billion yen from a total of 88.3 billion yen GWG paid the Corinthian Fund for a temporary staff agency in October 2006.

The accountant later set up the GW Fund using part of the 18 billion yen he took from the deal.

In July 2007, the accountant bought 301 shares in Mobile Judge using the new fund. He bought the shares at 600,000 yen each from seven individual stakeholders in the business at a total cost of 180.6 million yen, giving him a shareholding of 50.1 percent.

Mobile Judge had been set up in February that year with investment including that of Nakagawa's then secondary secretary.

When the firm was established, the government-paid secretary obtained 24 shares in it at 50,000 yen per share. He later earned a profit of 6.6 million yen by selling 12 of the shares at a time when the corporate value of the company had risen 12 times despite sales of only 1.26 million yen and a registered ordinary loss of 31.18 million yen.

The accountant claims he decided to acquire Mobile Judge despite the high price after hearing from the Tokyo company that it had unofficially been awarded business contracts under the government's Information Grand Voyage project.

However, a source close to the accountant admitted that helping the then secretary and other investors make a profit was one of the purposes of the corporate acquisition.

"If we can make a connection with a powerful politician's secretary by buying [the company], this will give us peace of mind should one of the companies we invest in get into trouble."

The Grand Voyage project was launched by the Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry to revitalize the nation's information technology industry by assisting development of information search and analysis technology.

About three weeks after Mobile Judge approached the GW Fund asking it to acquire it, the company officially received an order for about 100 million yen to test an online poll system.

After this order, however, the company started to struggle.

In July last year, the accountant did a share swap of Mobile Judge's shares for those of another IT company. But this deal resulted in losses for both the accountant and other investors, because the IT firm went bankrupt about a month later. Mobile Judge itself also went out of business in November.

The secretary resigned as a government-paid secretary in February last year, and quit Nakagawa's office last month.

In a recent interview with The Yomiuri Shimbun, the former secretary said, "On a friend's recommendation, I bought the shares in Mobile Judge for investment purposes."

He added: "All I was told was that the company was working on projects with a promising future and that I'd be able to sell the company's shares at a high price. I don't even know which company [Mobile Judge] was sold to."

Nakagawa's office told The Yomiuri Shimbun: "These are just the personal dealings of a former secretary. But it's extremely regrettable that they have caused [public] misunderstanding."

(Feb. 1, 2009)

Lawmaker allegedly misappropriated secretary salaries




The Yomiuri Shimbun


YOKOHAMA--Part of salaries given to three state-paid secretaries for Tetsundo Iwakuni, a Democratic Party of Japan member of the House of Representatives, were used to pay salaries of other members of his staff, a former private secretary to the lawmaker said.

At a press conference at the Kanagawa prefectural government office last week, Yuji Hironaka, 28, said that a portion of the salaries for Iwakuni's state-paid secretaries had been used to pay the salaries of other staff, adding that his state-paid secretaries had been forced to "donate" part of their salaries to the legislator.

Hironaka had served as Iwakuni's private secretary from June to December.

Iwakuni had previously said he was retiring from politics after serving out his current term.

Regarding a 2007 annual income and expenditure report that included a 1.2 million yen contribution to Iwakuni from his chief public secretary, Hironaka said, "I heard [Iwakuni's chief public secretary] say, 'I was reluctant [to donate money to Iwakuni] but I had to, because [I felt pressured to do so].'"

"I believe the law on salaries paid to the secretaries of Diet members, which forbids the inducement of contributions from government-paid secretaries, was breached," Hironaka added.

In December, DPJ headquarters received a complaint from Iwakuni's secretaries about his failure to pay them bonuses.

"The salaries of the three government-paid secretaries were diverted and used to pay the salaries of seven staff including three additional staff members," Hironaka said.

When Hironaka and other private secretaries requested payment, Iwakuni reportedly told another of his public secretaries that such secretaries were just a formality and there was no need to pay them their full salaries.

Hironaka and another public secretary resigned in late December.

When questioned about the allegation, Iwakuni denied the allegations, saying they had been the result of a misunderstanding.

(Feb. 1, 2009)

Relocate Futenma to American soil


Sunday, Feb. 1, 2009

READERS IN COUNCIL
By YOSHIO SHIMOJI, Naha, Okinawa

When U.S. President Bill Clinton came to Okinawa in 2000 for a summit, he delivered a speech at Okinawa's war memorial park in which he promised to reduce the U.S. military's excessive footprint. Almost nine years have elapsed since then, but we have seen no tangible reduction of U.S. base area.

Washington did announce the closure of the U.S. Marine Corps Futenma Air Station, but there was a catch: Washington said the base facilities should be relocated anew to a sparsely populated northern Okinawa, to the Henoko area, where they could be functionally integrated with Camp Hansen, Camp Schwab, and the marines' central and northern training areas.

We all know that the marines have had a blueprint for Futenma's relocation to Henoko since before Okinawa's reversion to Japan (1972) because the present air station is located in a densely populated residential area.

Does the relocation of one of many bases to another location on the same island reduce the burdens on the local people? Imagine if innocent citizens asked a crime syndicate to relocate its office outside the area and the crime syndicate then demanded a quid pro quo. Would the local citizens be relieved?

Remember, more than 70 percent of Okinawa residents have been against the Henoko relocation plan from the very beginning. Yet Tokyo and Washington have negotiated without paying this sentiment any mind. Futenma should be moved to U.S. soil.
The opinions expressed in this letter to the editor are the writer's own and do not necessarily reflect the policies of The Japan Times.

Time For U.S. And Japan To Get Out Of Okinawa


January 31, 2009 at 13:34:39

by Sherwood Ross

It’s way past time for the U.S. to get the hell out of Okinawa---and, for that matter, to take its Tokyo good buddies with it.

Before Japanese warlords annexed the Ryuku islands in 1879, Okinawans enjoyed more freedom than they do today. Every liberty-loving American ought to be shouting: “Okinawa for the Okinawans!”

Right now, this Los Angeles-sized Pacific gem of 454-sq.-miles is Pentagon Tropical Paradise No. 1. It’s a land of martinis-and-honey where our 25,000 military personnel and their 23,000 dependents can live in high-rise splendor with housing allowances approaching $1,000 or more a month (plus cost-of-living perks), enjoy PX shopping as good as it gets, and tan on the exotic beaches as Kin Red and Kin Blue.

This comes at a price, though---paid for by U.S. taxpayers and 1.3 million long-suffering Okinawans. The Pentagon has studded their island paradise with airfields, barracks, artillery and bombing ranges, ammunition depots, toxic chemical, depleted uranium (and nuclear bomb) storage dumps---everything a demented mind could wish for to threaten modern civilization. These lethal chazzerei take up 20 percent of Okinawa’s acreage, swindled from its hapless owners by Uncle Sam without benefit of cash payment the same way Joe Stalin collectivized Soviet Russia’s farms.

What particularly galls the locals (85% of Okinawans polled want the Yanks o-u-t) is not just the presence of U.S. troops, mostly Marines, occupying their homeland, but the hundreds of ensuing rapes and sexual violations of their daughters, some as young as twelve. These have spurred vast anti-American demonstrations.

The incidence of rape on Okinawa is twice that of the States and the Dayton Daily News reported the military has freed hundreds of U.S. sex offenders despite their court-martial convictions. Last March, Okinawans rallied in a baseball stadium to protest the latest child rape and, according to the Associated Press, “banners demanding the complete withdrawal of U.S. troops ringed the makeshift stage.” The AP noted that “problems with base-related accidents, crowding and crime are endemic.”

Okinawans can do little to stop this lawlessness: “When U.S. servicemen and their families commit crimes, they shall be detained by U.S. authorities until Japanese law enforcement agencies file complaints with the prosecutors’ office,” the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) states---and by then the perps could be back in Hahira, Georgia.

Although the New York Times editorial page claimed “American military behavior in Japan has generally been good since the occupation in 1945,” between 1972 and 1995 U.S. service personnel were implicated in 4,716 crimes. At one point up to a third of the Third Marine Division was infected with venereal disease, prompting author Chalmers Johnson in “Blowback” (Henry Holt) to crack “one has to ask what the New York Times might consider bad behavior.”

What’s more, Newsweek noted that when Okinawa poet Ben Takara surveyed girls at Futenma senior high, one-third to one-half of them said they had “scary experiences with U.S. soldiers on their way to school or back home.”

Approximately 75 percent of all U.S. forces in Japan (why, fellow taxpayers, do we keep any forces in Japan, why?) are concentrated on Okinawa, having less than one percent of Japan’s total land area, which “amounts to a permanent collusion of the United States and Japan against Okinawa,” Chalmers observes.

The answer is found in Tim Weiner’s “Legacy of Ashes”(Anchor Books), who recalls Okinawa was “a crucial staging ground for the bombing of Vietnam and a storehouse of American nuclear weapons.” Weiner notes that when opposition politicians in 1968 “threatened to force the United States off the island” the CIA funneled big bucks into Japan to defeat them at the polls.

In short, Japan can conveniently dump the military burden of its U.S. defense pact on the backs of their captive Okinawans, with 14 military bases jammed onto its 70-mile-long expanse. (Japan itself has just eight U.S. bases.) This saddles Okinawa with the constant hullabaloo of jet warplane noise. (The Futenma base alone has 52,000 takeoffs and landings a year.)

Yoshida Kensei, former professor at Obirin University in Japan, and Asian Studies Lecturer Rumi Sakamoto of Auckland University, New Zealand, write that Okinawa is nothing more than a U.S. “military colony.” They want to rid the island of all “war cooperation” and reallocate its land to “agriculture, fisheries, and trade,” high tech, medicine and tourism.

And they wouldn’t mind seeing Okinawans make some real cash by converting the U.S. bases into remunerative housing areas, commercial and industrial properties, and educational or research parks.

Author Johnson quotes editor Koji Taira of the Ryukyuanist as writing, “the incomes generated directly or indirectly by the bases are only 5 percent of the gross domestic product of Okinawa. This is far too small a contribution for an establishment sitting on 20 percent of Okinawa’s land…In effect, the U.S. and Japan are forcing on Okinawa’s economy a deadweight loss of 15 percent of its GDP every year.”

As Johnson concludes, “Okinawa is still essentially a military colony of the Pentagon’s, a huge safe house where Green Berets and the Defense Intelligence Agency, not to mention the air force and Marine Corps, can do things they would not dare do in the United States.”

World War Two has been over for 60 years: Okinawans need to be free of the Pentagon and free of Japan. Okinawa for the Okinawans!

(Sherwood Ross formerly reported for the New York Herald-Tribune, The Chicago Daily News, national magazines and wire services. He currently runs a national public relations firm for good causes out of Miami, Florida. Reach him at sherwoodr1@yahoo.com)

JMSDF to detonate mine off Toguchi Beach


Stars and Stripes
Pacific edition, Sunday, February 1, 2009

TORII STATION, Okinawa — All water activities just south of Torii Station will be prohibited briefly on Thursday while the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force detonates a 450-pound mine discovered in the water off Toguchi Beach.

An area within about two miles of the beach will be cordoned off between 9 a.m. and 11:30 a.m. while the ordnance is destroyed, 1st Lt. Sakae Kamikubo, commander of the disposal unit, said Friday.

The mine is expected to be detonated at 10:30 a.m., he said.

The mine was discovered by a local diver Dec. 18 about 550 yards offshore and in 15 feet of water. It was later identified as a World War II-era Japanese anti-ship mine. The area was part of the main landing beaches for the U.S. invasion of Okinawa on April 1, 1945. Kamikubo said his unit recovers an average of 3 tons of old bombs and mines from Okinawan waters every year.

13th MEU to train on Guam for six days

The 13th Marine Expeditionary Unit is scheduled to train on Guam from Saturday through Thursday before heading to the Central Command area of operations for a scheduled six-month deployment, according to a release Friday.

The unit, based at Camp Pendleton, Calif., is training on Guam because the terrain and training sites of Guam are unfamiliar to the unit’s 2,200 Marines and sailors, according to the release.

Operating in an unfamiliar area will "maximize training opportunities," the release said.

Training during the six-day period will include offloading more than 80 vehicles and 649 tons of equipment as well as patrolling, explosive ordnance disposal training and parachuting with water landings.

Before heading out of Guam on the Boxer Expeditionary Strike Group, Marines and sailors will be allowed on-shore liberty.