Sunday, January 31, 2010

US: Existing plan for Futenma is the only option

    2010/01/31 22:35(JST)

    A senior US official has reiterated the country's position that the existing plan for relocating the US Marine Corps Futenma Air Station in Okinawa, southern Japan, is the only viable option.

    Assistant Secretary of Defense Wallace Gregson spoke at a news conference on Sunday in Ginowan, where the air station is located.

    Gregson called the planned relocation the most complicated issue since Japan and the United States signed their security treaty 50 years ago.

    He said the existing plan is the best way to reduce the burden on the communities that host US bases. The 2 nations agreed in 2006 to relocate Futenma to a coastal area of the US Camp Schwab in Nago, also in Okinawa.

    An opponent of the plan won the recent mayoral election in Nago. Gregson said it's up to the Japanese government and Okinawa Prefecture to measure the impact of the election result.

    He added that he understands the Hatoyama administration wants to review the agreement made by the previous Liberal Democratic Party-led government, but expressed hope that it will stick to the existing plan.

    Later on Sunday, Gregson told Okinawa Governor Hirokazu Nakaima that the US government is waiting to see how Japan will handle the matter.

    Nakaima said he and many Okinawa residents want the air station out of the prefecture, adding that he is also waiting for the government to reach a conclusion by May.

    2010/01/31 22:35(JST)
    (JST: UTC+9hrs.)
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Guam call for delays in troop move

    Posted at 17:08 on 31 January, 2010 UTC

    Guam’s governor has asked the United States military to delay its plans to move more than 9,000 troops to the island.

    Stars and Stripes Online reports a statement from Governor Felix Camacho saying he thought extending the construction timeline would lessen the overall impact on the island.

    He did not offer specifics, other than to say the buildup should extend beyond 2014.

    In a letter to the Navy Secretary, Ray Mabus, the Governor says there is support for the relocation of U.S. Marines from Okinawa to Guam.

    However, he said it was important not to overlook the reality that Guam has a fragile territorial economy.

    According to the governor’s spokeswoman, the request is not meant to signal an overall decrease in Governor Camacho’s support for the project.

    But it does come as more residents and local leaders have expressed concerns about the buildup in public meetings in recent weeks.

    The military transfer could result in an additional 80,000 people living in Guam’s during the height of construction.
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Mainichi :: Sunday, January 31, 2010

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Editorial :: Stronger alliance is on the way

    Sunday, Jan. 31, 2010
    By HISAHIKO OKAZAKI

    The relationship of trust between Japan and the United States is in its worst state ever. After U.S. President Barack Obama refused to see Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama in Copenhagen and listen to his excuse over his mishandling of bilateral ties, the latter talked with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and claimed to have obtained her understanding. But Ms. Clinton summoned the Japanese ambassador to the U.S. only to tell him that she had not indicated her approval.

    The "Nixon shock" comes to mind when one looks for a past example of a lack of mutual understanding to such a degree. At a summit meeting in 1969, President Richard Nixon promised to return Okinawa to Japan while Prime Minister Eisaku Sato pledged to voluntarily regulate textile exports to the U.S. Yet the Japanese government simply continued inconclusive negotiations.

    In 1971, when the U.S.-China rapprochement bypassed Japan and the convertibility of the U.S. dollar to gold abruptly ended, informed U.S. sources said this double shock was meant to penalize Japan for its breach of trust over the textile exports issue.

    The dollar's departure from the gold standard came as a serious blow, bringing about the most serious economic recession in Japan in the postwar period. The U.S.' rapprochement with China also inflicted irreparable damage to Japan-U.S. policy coordination regarding China, preventing the two countries from sharing common China policy, a situation that has continued to this day. Leftists and Sinophiles have never failed to say "Americans betrayed us first."

    With the current level of lack of communication between Japan and the U.S., two issues — China and economic policy — worry me most, just as in the time of the "Nixon shock." In addition, we now have the issue of relocation of U.S. military bases.

    The dollar and the dollar-pegged Chinese yuan are capable of causing a sharp appreciation of the yen — though such a scenario is unthinkable at the moment — and dealing a serious blow to the Japanese economy. Or the U.S. might participate in an Asian forum in which Japan is not represented.

    The issue of U.S. military bases is even more serious. In Japan, even after the end of the Cold War, there remain leftist forces trying to weaken the Japan-U.S. alliance. They don't care if military solidarity between Japan and the U.S. is undermined. They will press for a further weakening of the alliance in the name of "reducing the burden" on Japan. This could result in irreparable damage to the security alliance.

    If the Hatoyama administration fulfills its international commitments, this can be prevented.

    What I would like to ask for now, however, is patience on the part of the U.S. For one thing, even if the Futenma relocation issue is not resolved, the status quo will continue, meaning the U.S. has nothing to lose. On the other hand, the rise of China will pose the most serious challenge to the security of East Asia and the world. Under such circumstances, whatever countermeasures are taken — soft or hard — the Japan-U.S. alliance is too valuable an asset to lose.

    Although the process of improvement has been excruciatingly slow, the Japan-U.S. alliance is now approaching its ideal shape. The relationship of trust between the armed forces and government offices of the two countries has never been better.

    A solution to the issue of the right to collective self-defense and other issues will be in sight once a conservative administration comes to power. It should be noted that even Hatoyama once stated that the exercise of the right to collective self-defense is not a constitutional issue but a matter for the government to decide.

    The U.S. was patient with South Korea during the five years of Roh Moo Hyun administration. (South Koreans may not like the comparison, for while the Hatoyama Cabinet terminated refueling mission in the Indian Ocean, South Korea under Roh sent troops to Afghanistan). The realists in the South, who were ostracized at the time, are now back in power, giving their support to the U.S.-South Korea alliance.sk

    The relationship of trust between Japan and the U.S. will eventually be restored and the time will come when the alliance relationship will be strengthened. Until then I do hope the U.S. side will be patient.

    Hisahiko Okazaki is a former ambassador to Thailand. The article is based on a Japanese article by the same author that appeared in the Jan. 8 Seiron column of Sankei Shimbun.
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Japan Times :: Sunday, January 31, 2010

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Daily Yomiuri Online :: Sunday, January 31, 2010




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Thousands in Tokyo protest US military presence

    Jan 30 11:47 AM US/Eastern
    By JAY ALABASTER
    Associated Press Writer

    TOKYO (AP) - Thousands of protesters from across Japan marched Saturday in central Tokyo to protest the U.S. military presence on Okinawa, while a Cabinet minister said she would fight to move a Marine base Washington considers crucial out of the country.

    Some 47,000 U.S. troops are stationed in Japan, with more than half on the southern island of Okinawa. Residents have complained for years about noise, pollution and crime around the bases.

    Japan and the U.S. signed a pact in 2006 that called for the realignment of American troops in the country and for a Marine base on the island to be moved to a less populated area. But the new Tokyo government is re-examining the deal, caught between increasingly adamant public opposition to American troops and its crucial military alliance with Washington.

    On Saturday, labor unionists, pacifists, environmentalists and students marched through central Tokyo, yelling slogans and calling for an end to the U.S. troop presence. They gathered for a rally at a park—under a banner that read "Change! Japan-U.S. Relations"—for speeches by civil leaders and politicians.

    Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has repeatedly postponed his decision on the pact, with members of his own government divided on how to proceed. Last week he pledged to resolve the conundrum by May, just before national elections.

    "The Cabinet is saying that it will announce its conclusion in May. For this reason, over the next few months we must put all of our energy into achieving victory," Cabinet minister Mizuho Fukushima said at the rally, to shouts of approval from the crowd.

    Fukushima—who has a minor post in the Cabinet and heads a small political party—wants the base moved out of Japan entirely. Hatoyama's government must appease such political allies to maintain its majority coalition in parliament, and the public are increasingly vociferous on the U.S. military issue, even outside of Okinawa.

    "I'm against having troops here. I'm not sure we can get them all out, but at least some of them should leave," said Seiichiro Terada, 31, a government tax collector who attended the rally.

    Terada said he traveled from his home in the central prefecture of Shizuoka, which hosts a Marine base at the foot of Mt. Fuji.

    The deal with Washington calls for the Marine base in a crowded part of Okinawa to be moved to a smaller city called Nago. But last week residents of Nago elected a new mayor who opposes the move, ousting the incumbent that supported a U.S. military presence.

    On the other side of the debate, a steady stream of U.S. officials have petitioned Tokyo to follow the agreement and maintain American troop levels in Japan, with U.S. Ambassador John Roos on Friday calling them "front-line forces" in case of emergencies or security threats.

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Thousands protest in Tokyo against U.S. military presence in Japan

    By Daily Mail Reporter
    Last updated at 4:09 PM on 30th January 2010

    Thousands of protesters from across Japan marched today in Tokyo to protest against U.S. military presence on Okinawa, while a Cabinet minister said she would fight to get rid of a marine base Washington considers crucial.

    Some 47,000 U.S. troops are stationed in Japan, with more than half on the southern island of Okinawa.

    Residents have complained for years about noise, pollution and crime around the bases.

    Japan and the U.S. signed a pact in 2006 that called for the realignment of American troops in the country and for a Marine base on the island to be moved to a less populated area.

    But the new Tokyo government is re-examining the deal, caught between public opposition to American troops and its crucial military alliance with Washington.

    On Saturday, labor unionists, pacifists, environmentalists and students marched through central Tokyo, yelling slogans and calling for an end to the U.S. troop presence.

    Photo: Protest: Some 6,000 people gathered at a rally in Tokyo calling for the withdrawal of U.S. Marine base stationed on the Japanese island of Okinawa

    They gathered for a rally at a park - under a banner that read 'Change! Japan-U.S. Relations' - for speeches by civil leaders and politicians.

    Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has repeatedly postponed his decision on the pact, with members of his own government divided on how to proceed.

    Last week he pledged to resolve the conundrum by May, just before national elections.

    'The Cabinet is saying that it will announce its conclusion in May.

    For this reason, over the next few months we must put all of our energy into achieving victory,' Cabinet minister Mizuho Fukushima said at the rally, to shouts of approval from the crowd.

    Photo: Angry: The slogans written in Japanese read 'We don't need Futenma base', in red, and 'We refuse new Henoko base', in blue

    Fukushima - who has a minor post in the Cabinet and heads a small political party - wants the base moved out of Japan entirely.

    Hatoyama's government must appease such political allies to maintain its majority coalition in parliament, and the public are increasingly vociferous on the U.S. military issue, even outside of Okinawa.

    'I'm against having troops here. I'm not sure we can get them all out, but at least some of them should leave,' said Seiichiro Terada, 31, a government tax collector who attended the rally.

    Terada said he traveled from his home in the central prefecture of Shizuoka, which hosts a Marine base at the foot of Mt. Fuji.

    The deal with Washington calls for the Marine base in a crowded part of Okinawa to be moved to a smaller city called Nago.

    But last week residents of Nago elected a new mayor who opposes the move, ousting the incumbent that supported a U.S. military presence.

    On the other side of the debate, a steady stream of U.S. officials have petitioned Tokyo to follow the agreement and maintain American troop levels in Japan, with U.S.

    Ambassador John Roos on Friday calling them 'front-line forces' in case of emergencies or security threats.
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U.S. ambassador stresses need for troops on Okinawa

    By Teri Weaver, Stars and Stripes
    Pacific edition, Sunday, January 31, 2010

    TOKYO — The Marines stationed on Okinawa might be the least understood of the nearly 50,000 U.S. troops serving throughout Japan, according to the United States’ top diplomat here in a Friday speech to explain to Japanese the importance of the military alliance.

    “But in reality, it’s among the most critical of the forces we deploy in both peacetime and in the unlikely event of conflict,” Ambassador John Roos asserted Friday in a speech before students and faculty at Waseda University in Tokyo.

    Those Marines are the region’s first responders by air and ground, Roos continued as he made his case for U.S. troops in Japan.

    As China’s military spending grows and as North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs continue, Roos said, it’s up to the United States and Japan to maintain security in the area.

    “Make no mistake about it — the stakes are high,” Roos said before the packed auditorium in the school’s International Conference Center. “Our alliance is the critical stabilizing force in this area of the world.”

    His speech came a day after U.S. Forces Japan Lt. Gen. Edward Rice appeared on a two-hour Japanese TV program to talk about and field questions from viewers about the alliance.

    Roos, since arriving in Japan last summer, has faced a new Japanese government less comfortable with the U.S. military presence than the former, more conservative ruling party.

    Now the two countries are struggling to implement a 4-year-old security agreement that includes moving a U.S. Marine Corps air base from an urban part of Okinawa to a rural one.

    The Marines and their helicopters on Okinawa can rapidly put troops and rescuers on the ground in the region, Roos said, which they’ve done a dozen times in the past five years for humanitarian crises. If there were no Marines on Okinawa, that response would then come from Hawaii, he added.

    But it’s those helicopters at Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, coupled with decades of heavy U.S. military presence on the poor, often-ignored prefecture, that have become a rallying cry for some against a current military realignment plan.

    Now, the helicopters take off and land in densely populated Ginowan. Nago, a rural town selected as the new air station home, doesn’t want the air traffic. The town just narrowly elected a mayor who campaigned against the Marines’ move.

    Roos, however, asked those concerned about the move to look beyond Okinawa.

    “North Korea obviously remains the most immediate concern,” Roos said, because of both its military and a possible regime collapse.
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Navy jet part falls, damages residence

    Stars and Stripes
    Pacific edition, Sunday, January 31, 2010

    YOKOSUKA NAVAL BASE, Japan — A piece of a Navy jet fell off in midflight Thursday afternoon, breaking a window at a residential home but causing no injuries.

    The F/A-18E Super Hornet from Strike Fighter Squadron 27 lost a pump service handle at 2:15 p.m. while flying just northwest of Naval Air Facility Atsugi in Ayase City, base spokesman Tim McGough said Friday.

    The handle was about 22 inches long and an inch in diameter, McGough said.

    The Japanese government’s South Kanto Defense Bureau and base officials assessed the damage last night but hadn’t yet released any monetary damage figures Friday.

    “By Navy regulation, we do pre- and post-flight checks, and they are stringent,” McGough said. “We regret that this happened.”

    The Navy has opened an investigation into the incident, McGough said.
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Saturday, January 30, 2010

6,000 gather for rally against Futemma relocation

    TOKYO, Jan. 30
    January 30 2010 18:41

    Some 6,000 people gathered Saturday in Tokyo to rally against relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futemma Air Station within Okinawa, as debate on the issue intensifies following the local election victory of a relocation opponent.

    Consumer affairs minister Mizuho Fukushima, who took part in the rally, reiterated her resolve to see the base moved out of Okinawa or Japan altogether. Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has said all options remain open, including the current plan to relocate it within Okinawa, until a final decision is taken in May.

    Photo: Demonstrators with balloons in the shape of dugong gather at a rally, protesting against relocation of a U.S. Marine base stationed on the southern island of Okinawa, in Tokyo Saturday, Jan. 30, 2010. Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said Friday he would decide by the end of May on where to relocate the U.S. Marine Airfield Futenma in Okinawa that has strained ties between the nations.

    ''I hope to win the struggle in terms of having the land for the Futemma base returned and seeing that no more burdens are placed on Okinawa,'' Fukushima said in an address to the gathering, which was organized by civic groups such as Peace Forum and included more than 100 participants from Okinawa.

    ''We have several months to go before reaching a conclusion at the end of May, and we will definitely win with all our might,'' said the head of the small ruling coalition partner Social Democratic Party.

    Nago Mayor-elect Susumu Inamine, who won last Sunday's election by opposing the relocation of the Futemma base to his city and is slated to take office Feb. 8, sought solidarity with participants in a message delivered for the gathering.

    Photo: Demonstrators hold up anti-U.S. bases slogans as some 6,000 people gather at a rally protesting against a U.S. Marine base stationed on the southern island of Okinawa, in Tokyo Saturday, Jan. 30, 2010. Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said Friday he would decide by the end of May on where to relocate the U.S. Marine Airfield Futenma in Okinawa that has strained ties between the nations. The slogans written in Japanese read: 'We don't need Futenma base,' in red, and 'We refuse new Henoko base,' in blue.

    Hiroshi Ashitomi, a co-leader of a Nago-based civic group opposing the planned construction of an offshore heliport as part of the relocation process, said, ''Prime Minister Hatoyama has said he would take into account the result of the mayoral election, and we won. The will of the people could not be exhibited more clearly.''

    ==Kyodo
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Editorial :: Okinawa's air base battle






    January 30, 2010

    The U.S. and Japan have an agreement to relocate a Marine Corps base, but local politics are in the way.

    Okinawa. Site of the largest U.S. amphibious assault in the Pacific and the final major battle of World War II. Last territory to be handed back to Japanese control -- in 1972. And now, the first point of friction between the Obama administration and the 4-month-old government of Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama.

    As host to nearly three-quarters of the U.S. troops stationed in Japan, Okinawa residents have long felt that they shoulder more than their fair share. So it's not surprising that the future of a U.S. Marine base has become a contentious issue. But if it is handled properly, it shouldn't threaten the strategic relationship between the United States and Japan.

    Since 1960, a treaty has granted U.S. armed forces use of Japanese land and facilities in return for protecting the country and responding in the event it is attacked. Understanding that keeping troops in highly populated areas can raise tensions, the United States agreed in 1996 to reduce its military footprint in Okinawa. But it took another decade to forge a deal to transfer 8,000 troops to Guam and move the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma air base from the crowded city of Ginowan to tiny Nago, on the southern end of the island.

    The Pentagon is understandably frustrated. The 2006 agreement still had not been implemented in September, when voters booted out the party that had ruled Japan for half a century and elected Hatoyama's Democratic Party of Japan, which, along with coalition members, promised to reconsider the deal. This week, Nago elected a new mayor who is opposed to the base, with its noisy helicopters and airstrip to be built on landfill in pristine waters. Hatoyama has pledged to reexamine all options and issue a decision in May.

    Some politicians will try to place the base controversy in the context of the left-leaning Hatoyama's desire to improve relations with China and the rest of Asia -- which they believe is leading to weakened relations with the U.S. That is a mistaken view, as the base issue was festering long before even Hatoyama's predecessor began reaching out to Beijing. When it comes to China, Japan is only doing what the U.S. is doing: engaging with a major economic partner while keeping an eye on its military capabilities.

    The way to protect the U.S.-Japan relationship is to recognize that in Japan, as elsewhere, all politics is local. U.S. Ambassador to Japan John V. Roos took a step in that direction with a speech Friday advocating for the Nago deal, but pledging to make the base environmentally and economically friendly. U.S. officials must continue to press the case with the Japanese people. Otherwise, come up with a Plan B.
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Hatoyama vows to settle U.S. base dispute by May

    January 30, 2010

    TOKYO (AP) -- Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama has pledged to decide by May on where to relocate a U.S. Marine base on the southern island of Okinawa that has strained ties between the nations.

    More than half of the 47,000 U.S. troops stationed in Japan under a 1960 security treaty are on Okinawa, where residents have complained for years about noise, pollution and crime around the bases.

    "We will find what's best to keep our alliance with the U.S. as a cornerstone of peace in Japan and Asia, while reducing the burden of the Okinawan people," Hatoyama said.

    Hatoyama, mapping out his key goals in a policy speech in parliament, said an "unshakable" alliance with the U.S. is crucial in deepening Japan's ties with Asia under his proposed plan to establish an East Asian community. Strengthening economic ties with other Asian countries is key to Japan's future growth, and such a community should include the U.S., he said.

    The alliance "has served an indispensable role" for Japan and for regional and global peace, he said. "Its importance will not be changed."

    He said he would decide by the end of May on a new site for the U.S. Marine Airfield Futenma.

    However, prospects for finding a new location are unclear, with Hatoyama caught between opposing demands within his own party and its alliance partner.

    Washington wants Tokyo to honor a 2006 deal made by a previous Japanese government to move the base to Nago, a less crowded part of Okinawa, as part of a broader realignment of American troops that includes moving 8,000 Marines to the U.S. territory of Guam as a way to lighten the island's burden.

    Hatoyama says he is re-examining that deal. Some Cabinet ministers have demanded the base be moved off Japanese territory entirely, a sentiment shared by many Okinawan residents.

    Last Sunday, Nago voters elected a base opponent as their new mayor over an incumbent who was supportive of the U.S. military presence.

    Under the 1960 security pact, U.S. armed forces are allowed broad use of Japanese land and facilities. In return, the U.S. is obliged to respond to attacks on Japan and protect the country under its nuclear umbrella.

    Hatoyama also said in his speech that reviving the nation's sluggish economy is a top priority, promising to launch further measures to help small businesses, workers and their families.

    His government on Thursday approved an extra budget to fund a stimulus package worth 7.2 trillion yen ($80 billion) to bolster employment, extend incentives for consumers to buy eco-friendly products, and support small and medium-size companies hurt by the strong yen.

    Japan's economic recovery remains fragile and at risk of being derailed by high employment and several months of falling prices and wages. A strong yen is also hampering exports, a mainstay of the economy.

    Related articles



    (Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2010
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U.S. ambassador: U.S.-Japan pact critical for peace

    January 30, 2010

    TOKYO (AP) -- U.S. Ambassador John Roos defended U.S. troop levels in Japan Friday, saying their presence is essential for maintaining peace and prosperity in the region, and stressed the importance of a key Marine base whose delayed relocation has frayed bilateral relations.

    In a speech at Tokyo's Waseda University, Roos reaffirmed the importance of the U.S.-Japan security pact, now in its 50th year, under which nearly 50,000 American troops are stationed in Japan. He called them "front-line forces" in case of emergencies or regional security threats.

    "Our alliance is the critical stabilizing force in this area of the world," he said, highlighting China's military modernization and North Korea's missile and nuclear programs.

    "A North Korea that falls into internal disarray would cause monumental security challenges to this region," he said.

    Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama also offered Friday a ringing endorsement of Japan's alliance with the U.S., despite the lingering uncertainty over the relocation of Futenma Marine air field on the southern island of Okinawa, where more than half the American forces are based.

    He told parliament the alliance "has served an indispensable role" for Japan and for regional and global peace. "Its importance will not be changed," he said.

    He pledged to decide by the end of May on where to relocate the base.

    In 2006, Washington and Tokyo agreed to move Futenma's facilities to a less crowded, northern part of the island, as well as move 8,000 Marines to the U.S. territory of Guam.

    But Hatoyama's government, which swept to power last year, has balked at moving Futenma to the north -- much to Washington's frustration -- and says it wants to review the U.S. military presence in Japan.

    The victory last weekend of an anti-base mayoral candidate in the Okinawan city of Nago, where Futenma is to be moved under the 2006 plan, has only complicated matters.

    For years, Okinawa residents have complained about base-related noise, pollution and crime, and many want the U.S. military presence on the island reduced -- and Futenma moved off the island entirely.

    Roos said that in the 2006 reorganization plan the two governments examined "virtually every conceivable alternative" before concluding that Nago was the best location.

    He said that "given the trends in the security environment, Okinawa is becoming not less, but more important for the defense of Japan and the maintenance of peace in the region."

    Roos also said that Washington "is eager to work with Japan to create a more equal and effective defense partnership" that would be consistent with Japan's pacifist constitution, but did not further elaborate.

    (Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2010
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U.S. diplomat heading to Japan, South Korea

    January 30, 2010

    WASHINGTON (AP) -- The senior U.S. diplomat on Asian affairs is heading to Japan at a time of increased tensions in U.S.-Japanese relations.

    State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell will be in Tokyo Feb. 1-2 before traveling to Seoul on Feb. 3.

    Tension in U.S.-Japanese relations has risen over uncertainty about a key U.S. military base on the southern island of Okinawa.

    In 2006, Washington and Tokyo agreed to move Futenma's facilities to a less crowded, northern part of the island, as well as move 8,000 Marines to the U.S. territory of Guam.

    But Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's government, which swept to power last year, has balked at moving Futenma to the north.

    (Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2010
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Mainichi :: Saturday, January 30, 2010

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Roos stresses need for U.S. forces in Japan

    Saturday, Jan. 30, 2010
    By MASAMI ITO
    Staff writer

    The United States must maintain forces in Japan to react swiftly to urgent threats in the region, including the biggest concern — North Korea — with its missiles and ongoing succession issue, U.S. Ambassador to Japan John Roos said Friday.

    In a speech at Waseda University in Tokyo, Roos expressed concern over Pyongyang's development of ballistic missiles and the possibility of regime collapse. Its current leader, Kim Jong Il, reportedly suffered a stroke in August 2008 and is thought to have passed the torch to his youngest son, Kim Jong Un.

    "The possibility of a regime collapse particularly in the context of leadership succession is a growing concern," Roos said. "A North Korea that falls into internal disarray would pose monumental security challenges to this region."

    Roos asserted that the U.S. military presence in Japan was important to deal with such risks as North Korea and China, with its "well-funded military modernization."

    "The fundamental role of U.S. forces in Japan is to make those who would consider the use of force in this region understand that that option is off this table," Roos said. "The forward deployment of U.S. forces puts us in a position to react immediately to emerging threats and serves as a tangible symbol of our commitment."

    Japan-U.S. ties have been strained recently over the relocation of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Ginowan, Okinawa. While stressing the importance of deterrence, Roos also said it was vital that the U.S. "reduce the footprint of our forces in heavily populated areas."

    In 2006, the U.S. and Japan, then led by the Liberal Democratic Party, agreed to move Futenma to Camp Schwab.

    "The arrangement is certainly not perfect, no compromise ever is," Roos said. "But what makes this issue especially difficult is that our two nations studied and debated virtually every conceivable alternative for more than a decade before deciding that the current plan is the best option to enable us to close Futenma as quickly as possible without degrading our ability to fulfill our treaty commitments."
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Japan Times :: Saturday, January 30, 2010

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Asahi :: Saturday, January 30, 2010




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Commentary :: Can Japan, U.S. build new relationship of trust?



    Shinichi Murao and Satoshi Ogawa / Yomiuri Shimbun Staff Writers

    Jan. 19 was the 50th anniversary of the signing of the current Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, but ironically the alliance between the two countries has been shaken by an issue over U.S. bases in Japan.

    Whether Tokyo and Washington can work out an agreement on the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in Okinawa Prefecture could shape the future evolution of the alliance.

    On Jan. 19, prior to the announcement of a joint statement by Japan's foreign and defense ministers and their U.S. counterparts marking the anniversary, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama issued a statement of his own. He pledged to work with Washington "to further deepen" the bilateral alliance "with the security arrangements at its core."

    Despite the delay until May in the Japanese government's decision on the Futenma relocation site, the U.S. administration agreed to hold consultative talks aimed at deepening the alliance, giving the Hatoyama administration a feeling of relief.

    The consultative talks are expected to focus on security arrangements to deal with North Korea's nuclear and missile development programs, military expansion by China and extended deterrence, including the U.S. "nuclear umbrella." Japan, for its part, wants to review the Japan-U.S. Status of Forces Agreement and the so-called sympathy budget by which the government helps finance the stationing of U.S. forces in Japan.

    Hatoyama expressed a desire to extend the scope of discussions to cover such soft issues as "disaster prevention, medical treatment, education and the environment."

    But such issues do not form the core of the Japan-U.S. alliance.

    The alliance stands firmly on the premise that the U.S. military provides deterrence for protection of Japan in return for stable provision of bases by Japan for U.S. forces, based on the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.

    The alliance can never be deepened without implementing the agreement on realignment of U.S. forces in Japan that was reached after years of negotiations. The Futenma relocation is a "symbolic issue" in this regard, a former senior Defense Ministry official said.

    Japan and the United States agreed in 2006 to transfer the heliport functions of the Futenma base in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, to the Henoko district of Nago in the northern part of the prefecture. The accord was hammered out as the two sides made mutual concessions to realize two goals--maintaining the deterrent and lessening burdens on local residents.

    These two subjects represent the major issues surrounding U.S. bases in Japan and are related to the bottom line of deepening the alliance.

    Various issues revolving around the alliance are likely to be on the agenda in the consultative talks. On the central issue of "how to define deterrence," there is still much room for discussions by the two countries. What threats should be subject to deterrence? Which means of deterrence best fit today's conditions? These issues were not discussed thoroughly even during the series of administrations led by the Liberal Democratic Party up to last year.

    Concrete discussions on these issues should be promoted by the two countries together with the theme of extended deterrence such as that provided by the U.S. nuclear umbrella over Japan.

    2 U.S. concerns

    Washington harbors two big concerns about the Hatoyama administration at this juncture.

    The first U.S. concern is whether the administration's posture on the Futenma issue is confined to that single issue or represents a broader skepticism toward relations with the United States that could shake the foundations of the Japan-U.S. security arrangement.

    Washington wants to dispel these concerns through bilateral consultative talks aimed at deepening the alliance. It also seeks to obtain assurances from Japan that the United States can continue stationing its forces in Japan for the time being to contribute to stability in the Asia-Pacific region.

    Referring to this point, the Jan. 19 joint statement says Japan-U.S. security arrangements "will continue to play an essential role in maintaining both the security of Japan and the peace and stability of the Asia-Pacific region...They [the two nations' ministers] endorse ongoing efforts to maintain our deterrent capabilities in a changing strategic landscape, including appropriate stationing of U.S. forces."

    The second major U.S. concern is the question of who in the Hatoyama administration can be trusted as a negotiating partner from the viewpoint of handling the Japan-U.S. alliance.

    A Democratic Party of Japan leader shrugged off such U.S. worries, saying: "The time has come for lawmakers [of the ruling parties] to promote the Japan-U.S. relationship. The matter had been handled by Foreign Ministry bureaucrats, but it is supposed to be done by politicians."

    But to the U.S. side, the Hatoyama administration looks as if it is neglecting to weigh heavily the knowledge and experience of career diplomats. Lawmakers, who are "laymen" in diplomacy, have repeatedly made inconsistent statements on the security issue, said Hitoshi Tanaka, a former vice minister of the Foreign Ministry.

    Sheila Smith, a senior fellow at the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations, says arranging talks to promote the alliance is difficult because Washington cannot figure out which leaders to talk to about resolving relevant issues.

    Can the two countries build a new relationship of trust in the future? The consultative talks for deepening the alliance seem to start with that point.

    Pact reflects new conditions

    Over the years, the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty's meaning and characteristics have changed, according to the international situation and other circumstances surrounding Japan.

    In 1951, the initial version of the bilateral security treaty was signed along with the San Francisco Peace Treaty, which allowed World War II loser Japan to rejoin the international community.

    The treaty had many unfair elements--the rights of the Allied occupation forces were kept unchanged, the United States was not obliged to defend Japan, and U.S. forces were given authority to crack down on internal conflicts within Japan, for instance.

    As the Japanese side had strongly demanded changes to the pact, the revised security treaty eliminating the unfavorable points was signed on Jan. 19, 1960. The new treaty went into effect amid fierce protest rallies in June that year.

    The new treaty stipulated that the purpose of the Japan-U.S. alliance was to maintain Japan's safety as well as peace and security in the East Asian region.

    While Article 5 of the new treaty stipulates the United States is obliged to defend Japan, Article 6 declares that Japan should provide military bases for U.S. forces.

    A system governing prior consultations between the two governments, on key U.S. troop deployments and important materiel changes, was established alongside the new treaty.

    It is believed that the signature of the secret accord allowing U.S. forces to bring nuclear weapons into Japanese territory coincided with the revisions.

    Following the end of the Cold War in 1989, Japanese and U.S. leaders signed a joint statement regarding the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty at their summit meeting in 1996.

    They redefined the role of the treaty to state that maintaining and reinforcing the Japan-U.S. alliance was essential for stability in the Asia-Pacific region.

    The statement was seen to reflect the continuing instability in East Asia, as evidenced by North Korea's program to develop nuclear weapons.

    The two governments revised a guideline of Japan-U.S. defense cooperation in 1997, making it possible for the Self-Defense Forces to offer logistic support to U.S. forces in the event of a contingency near Japan, to stem the likelihood of a direct armed attack on Japan if such an emergency was left unattended.

    In 1999, Japan enacted related legislation, including the Law on Situations in the Areas Surrounding Japan.

    In the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001, the U.S. military began a "war on terrorism" and engaged in wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

    The administration of then Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi intensified cooperation with the U.S. military, including the dispatch of Maritime Self-Defense Force vessels to a refueling mission in the Indian Ocean and a Ground Self-Defense Force unit to Iraq.

    The Japan-U.S. alliance entered a new stage to handle tasks not only in the Asia-Pacific region but on a global scale.

    The U.S. government has began a worldwide process to transform its military, including a review of U.S. forces stationed in Japan. Returning Futenma Air Station to Japan is part of that move.

    Ogawa is a correspondent in Washington.

    (Jan. 30, 2010)

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Commentary :: A gut check for an important alliance



    John Kerry / Special to The Daily Yomiuri

    Last week, the United States and Japan celebrated the 50th anniversary of an alliance that has been the linchpin of peace and prosperity in Asia. But those celebrations have been muted: Japan's recent democratic growing pains have raised serious questions about where the alliance is headed.

    At issue is a long-running but--until recently--little-known dispute over a U.S. Marine helicopter facility in Okinawa Prefecture. In 2006, the United States and Japan agreed to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station to a less crowded part of Okinawa. Now, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's new government is hedging on whether it will follow through.

    Why does this matter? The Futenma facility is a critical helicopter staging ground for U.S. marines to respond to potential hot spots in East Asia. Along with compromising its vital mission, any delay in the move could jeopardize other important aspects of the 2006 U.S.-Japan agreement--including the transfer of 8,000 marines from Okinawa to Guam. These steps were designed to reduce the burden on the people of Okinawa, and better position the alliance to meet East Asia' evolving security challenges.

    What's more, the Futenma question is just one factor feeding the perception of an alliance adrift. Japan has decided to end naval refueling for allied warships supporting peacekeeping efforts in Afghanistan, and its leaders have made statements about embracing a more "Asia-centric" foreign policy.

    The tussle over Futenma can and should serve as a wake-up call to both countries: Alliances don't tend to themselves. Both sides need to ensure that this one doesn't go off track.

    Job one is for both countries to focus on core alliance goals: defending Japan and preserving peace and security across East Asia. But in the 51st year of our alliance, we must also begin re-imagining its global role and missions. The partnership remains strong, deep and resilient--grounded in common interests and values. It has withstood tougher challenges before and emerged just as strong. Now we must adapt it to confront emerging challenges.

    The center-left Democratic Party of Japan's electoral victory, ending a half-century of nearly uninterrupted rule by the Liberal Democratic Party, has raised questions about the nature, scope and ground rules of our military alliance. That can be an asset if we engage in serious dialogue to make it even stronger and more durable. That in turn demands that leaders in both countries keep the stakes in perspective, and show the patient statesmanship necessary to navigate changes in Japan and its neighborhood.

    In the near term, both sides need to contain the potential damage from the Okinawa imbroglio. After years of negotiations, America is understandably reluctant to revisit such a strategically important basing decision. But we should recognize that the Japanese government's ability to maneuver is limited by campaign promises made by the DPJ, Okinawan and national elections this year, and the fractious politics of Prime Minister Hatoyama's ruling coalition.

    As Washington knows too well, democracy can be messy. This is a moment to give Japan a little breathing room. We should quietly look for solutions that address Okinawa's concerns while continuing to honor the spirit of past agreements.

    Prime Minister Hatoyama has assured America that the alliance remains the foundation of Japanese foreign policy and expressed a desire for a more equal partnership, not for less cooperation.

    Japanese foreign policy may be entering a new era, but that need not be a threat to us. We should welcome Japanese steps to take on greater responsibility in alliance management. And closer relations with China, South Korea and other East Asian countries--another Hatoyama priority--can help stabilize the region in a way that benefits America and facilitates China's peaceful development. It may also encourage Japan to finally tackle the tough historical issues that have undermined past attempts at reconciliation with its neighbors.

    Finally, America and the world need Japan to remain a key player in global problem-solving. Japan's past contributions have sometimes been taken for granted or overshadowed by concerns over its economic slowdown, aging population, or rising public debt. And yet, despite these constraints, Japan has been a prominent force for the greening of our planet, a leading financial contributor to stability and reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan and Pakistan, a generous donor to multilateral institutions and the developing world, and a respected leader on nonproliferation.

    We have our differences today, and we will go forward. But we cannot let short-term blips overshadow what our two countries can accomplish together.

    Japan is changing, and so is its neighborhood. How we jointly respond to these changes will determine whether the next 50 years of the U.S.-Japan alliance will be as successful as the last.

    Sen. Kerry, D-Mass., is the chairman of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

    (Jan. 30, 2010)
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Daily Yomiuri Online :: Saturday, January 30, 2010




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Gov't panel to admit existence of 3 Japan-U.S. secret pacts

    Jan 29 12:14 PM US/Eastern

    TOKYO, Jan. 30 (AP) - (Kyodo) — A government panel examining alleged Japan-U.S. secret pacts on nuclear weapons and other issues will admit the existence of three secret agreements in its final report to be issued by the end of March, sources close to the panel said Friday.

    The three pacts relate to stopovers and passage of nuclear-armed U.S. warships, use of U.S. military bases in Japan in the event of a contingency on the Korean Peninsula and allowing the United States to bring nuclear weapons to Okinawa in times of emergency, according to the sources.

    Given the development, the government, in consultation with Washington, will change its previous stance that the bilateral secret pacts do not exist, the sources said.

    The existence of the three pacts has been confirmed by related documents as well as the testimonies of former senior Foreign Ministry officials. The panel will continue investigating an alleged secret pact related to Japan's assumption of the cost for the 1972 reversion of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty, the sources said.

    The six-member panel, headed by University of Tokyo professor Shinichi Kitaoka, was launched in November, following an instruction from Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada, to investigate the four alleged Japan- U.S. secret pacts related to the 1960 revision of the bilateral security treaty and the reversion of Okinawa. The government has long denied the existence of the secret pacts.

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Full text of Prime Minister Hatoyama's policy speech in Diet -9-

    Jan 29 11:26 AM US/Eastern

    TOKYO, Jan. 30 (AP) - (Kyodo) —

    (Deepening the Japan-US Alliance)

    This year is a watershed year as it marks the 50th anniversary of the revision of the US-Japan security treaty. During this period the world underwent profound changes, such as the conflict between East and West during the Cold War and its end, as well as the emergence of new threats such as those from terrorism and regional conflicts. During this half-century of tumultuous change, the US-Japan security arrangements, while undergoing qualitative changes, remained indispensable for not only Japan's defense but also for the peace and prosperity of Asia and the world. Its importance will remain unchanged.

    On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the treaty's amendment, President Barack Obama and I announced that the Japan-US Alliance shall be deepened in a manner befitting the 21st century. We will frankly discuss the achievements of the Alliance and the challenges it confronts, advance broad-ranging cooperation and thus deepen and develop it into a multilayered alliance relationship.

    For the first time, the United States became a co-sponsor of the (resolution titled) "Renewed determination towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons" which Japan submitted and which was adopted last December at the United Nations General Assembly. This year a Global Summit on Nuclear Security and a Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will be held in succession. It is highly important that Japan and the United States should coordinate their efforts in order to bring about a world free of nuclear weapons.

    With regard to the issue of the Futenma Air Station replacement facility, Japan will maintain the Japan-US Alliance as the cornerstone (of its diplomacy), while the Committee to Consider the Issues concerning Bases in Okinawa will conduct active discussions on what solution would be best in order to ensure the peace of Japan and Asia while also to alleviate so far as possible the extremely heavy burden that has been borne by the residents of Okinawa over the years. The government shall decide on a specific replacement site by the end of May.

    In the area of climate change, Japan and the United States have agreed to conduct technological cooperation, joint verification experiments and exchanges of research personnel in search of an integrated solution to global environmental and energy security issues. The results of such activities will of course have great implications for the whole world. We will further develop our alliance in this field, and the entire Japan-US Alliance, as relationships which contribute to the peace and prosperity of not only the two countries but also of the Asia-Pacific region and the world.

    (Bilateral relations with countries in the Asia-Pacific region)

    I will work to further enhance the mutually beneficial relationship with China based on common strategic interests so as to enlarge the circle of trust in the Asia-Pacific region.

    This year marks the start of a new century in the relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea, and we will strive to reinforce bilateral relations which are truly future-oriented and friendly, without averting our eyes from the negative history of the past and looking squarely at the prospects of the coming century. With Russia we will strengthen our cooperation as partners in the Asia-Pacific region as we work to resolve the issue of the Northern Territories.

    We will settle the "unfortunate past" and normalize relations with North Korea through a comprehensive resolution of the outstanding issues of concern with North Korea, including the abduction, nuclear and missile issues. This is indeed an important challenge in seeking to attain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. We will coordinate yet more closely with the countries concerned, including through the Six-Party Talks in order to induce concrete action from North Korea. The government will use all its powers and do its utmost through the newly-established Headquarters for the Abduction Issue so as to bring about the return of all victims of abductions to Japan as early as possible.

    (Assistance to save lives from poverty, conflicts and disasters)

    The people in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world who suffer from hunger and poverty, the refugees in (and around) Iraq and Afghanistan who cannot return to their homelands, the victims of international terrorism, and the people who have lost their homes in natural disasters -- what assistance can Japan provide to support the lives of such people? What are we called upon to do? With regard to the devastation wrought by the Haiti earthquake, Japan announced the dispatch of a unit of the Self-Defense Forces to serve in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) as well as emergency and reconstruction assistance amounting to approximately 70 million US dollars. In these and other situations, Japan will assist efforts to overcome various hardships and to rebuild countries, listening also to views which are only quietly expressed in the international community and collaborating closely with the United Nations and other international organizations and the major countries concerned. (MORE)

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Rice says realignment efforts will continue

    By Teri Weaver and Hana Kusumoto, Stars and Stripes
    Pacific edition, Saturday, January 30, 2010

    Futenma review won’t delay long-term military plans in Japan, general says on TV

    TOKYO — Japan’s May deadline to review the proposed move of a Marine base on Okinawa will not set back long-term plans for U.S. military moves throughout the country, according to the top U.S. military officer in Japan.

    “We can operate within the time field,” Air Force Lt. Gen. Edward Rice said Thursday night during a live broadcast of “Prime News” on BS Fuji, an affiliate of the popular network Fuji TV.

    “We are still moving forward with other elements of our realignment efforts,” Rice said in response to questions from Fuji TV journalists during the two-hour show. “There are many things we can work on and we are working on.”

    The realignment plans include moving 8,600 Marines from Okinawa to Guam and closing Marine Corps Air Station Futenma on Okinawa. Current plans — agreed to by past U.S. and Japanese administrations — also call for moving that air station from urban Ginowan to the more rural Nago area.

    It’s that planned move that sparked protests from Okinawan residents and propelled candidates critical of the move into national and local offices, including last weekend’s Nago mayoral election. Last month, the newly installed Japanese government announced it would review the plans for Futenma and announce its findings in May.

    On Thursday, Rice said the U.S. military is cooperating with the review and offering information about past considerations for the air station’s new home.

    But he also said the U.S. military is currently not looking for other sites for the Futenma units. Instead, the United States is waiting for Japan to conduct its own study.

    “I think we have to give that a little bit of time,” Rice said

    Also this week, two top U.S. officials — Kurt Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and Wallace Gregson, the assistant secretary of defense for Asia and the Pacific — will be in Japan. The men are coming for meetings with the Japan-U.S. Security Consultative Committee that will include the Futenma issue.

    The opposition surrounding Futenma has caused a ripple between the two allies, just as they marked the 50th anniversary of their security treaty.

    During the program, Rice also took questions from viewers by e-mail, including one who asked the general to explain his feelings about Okinawa’s reactions to the proposed move.

    “I try very hard to understand the feelings of the local people,” Rice said, adding that he’s never lived on Okinawa and that it can be hard to fully appreciate their feelings. “I try very hard to put myself in their position.”

    The general also said it’s important to look at the Futenma issue and the Marines’ move as a plan that affects Japan, the United States and the region. The aim, he said, is to come up with what’s best for everyone.

    But, he said, not everyone “is going to be fully satisfied with the results
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Hit-and-run charge added in Okinawa soldier’s case

    By David Allen, Stars and Stripes
    Pacific edition, Saturday, January 30, 2010

    NAHA, Okinawa — A soldier charged with vehicular manslaughter now faces an additional charge of hit-and-run.

    Staff Sgt. Clyde Gunn, 27, a Special Forces medic stationed at Torii Station, was indicted Wednesday in Naha District Court on the new charge of failing to render aid and report an accident. Japanese prosecutors allege he struck Masakazu Hokama, 66, on a narrow road through farmland in the village of Yomitan on Nov. 7.

    “If convicted, he would probably receive a sentence of no more than two and a half years in prison, suspended,” Gunn’s attorney, Toshimitsu Takaesu, said Thursday.

    Gunn is being held at Naha Detention Center pending trial. The court has denied bail, even though the Army has promised to make sure he does not leave Okinawa and attends all trial sessions.

    Takaesu said Gunn refused to answer questions during the interrogation process. Early into the police investigation, he ceased to cooperate after saying his statements to police were being mistranslated.

    Gunn demanded all questioning be videotaped with an attorney or a military representative present, a request the prosecutor’s office denied.

    “During the past 20 days of detention, Gunn remained silent, and he will continue to remain silent unless the conditions we are requesting are met,” Takaesu said, adding that he will make a new motion to the court for bail.

    Gunn, of Ocean Springs, Miss., is charged with striking Hokama “while driving inattentively” to his Yomitan apartment at 5:30 a.m. Okinawa police said he admitted he might have struck something with his car, but he saw no body when he stopped his car and looked around.

    On Thursday, the Army said it was continuing to cooperate with Japanese authorities in the case.

    “We respect the decision of the Japanese officials in the matter, as agreed to in the status of forces agreement,” said Chip Steitz, spokesman for the 10th Support Group on Torii Station. “We will continue to cooperate with the Japanese government in its ongoing investigation, and we will make sure that Staff Sgt. Gunn’s rights under the SOFA are complied with.”

    Stars and Stripes reporter Chiyomi Sumida contributed to this story.
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Final arguments heard in Futenma noise appeal

    By Chiyomi Sumida, Stars and Stripes
    Pacific edition, Saturday, January 30, 2010

    NAHA, Okinawa — The video showed U.S. Marine helicopters flying low over homes in the city of Ginowan, lumbering cargo planes and fast fighter jets flitting over residential neighborhoods, and the aftermath of a helicopter crash on the campus of Okinawa International University.

    The presentation was part of the final argument presented Thursday to a three-judge panel in the prefecture’s branch of the Fukuoka High Court.

    Some 400 residents have sued the Japanese government for damages caused by what they claim has been excessive noise attributed to flight activities at Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, located in the heart of heavily developed Ginowan. Because of a lack of zoning laws, homes and businesses were built adjacent to the base fence line in the decades following World War II.

    In June 2008, a lower court awarded the residents some $1.3 million in damages for “mental and physical suffering,” but denied their demand to ban all flight operations at the air station between 7 p.m. and 7 a.m. The court said the Japanese government had no control over U.S. military operations at the air station.

    The residents and the government both appealed the decision. Government attorneys want the court to dismiss the suit, arguing noise levels have been reduced in recent years.

    “The lower court ignored our core wish to remove the noise, the source that has caused us suffering for a long time,” Zenji Shimada, who leads the residents’ group, told the judges Thursday. “There is no alternative but to close the air station to bring an end to our suffering.”

    Government lawyers argued that noise levels were lower than claimed by the residents. They also contended not all residents suffered alike.

    “They were not necessarily exposed to the same levels of noise, as upheld by the lower court,” a lawyer for the government said.

    The government also argued that some of the residents should not be rewarded for moving into the neighborhoods while knowing of the increased noise levels. Besides, the Japanese government has spent about $1.2 billion for noise-proofing projects on homes and public facilities in the city, a government lawyer argued. And the U.S. and Japan agreed in 1996 to alter flight routes.

    The court is expected to make its ruling on July 29.

    The matter has been winding its way through the court system for more than eight years, even as the U.S. and Japanese governments agreed four years ago to close the base by 2014 and move flight activities to new runways and support facilities to be built on Camp Schwab, in rural northeast Okinawa.

    That plan, however, is being reviewed by Japan’s new left-center government, which is exploring alternate sites for the Marine air operations. A decision on the relocation has been promised by the end of May.

    U.S. officials contend there is no other viable alternative for relocating the facility and that MCAS Futenma will continue operations if the Camp Schwab plan is scrapped.

    In Tokyo on Thursday, five members of the Diet from Okinawa warned that Okinawans would no longer accept the move of Futenma activities to the Henoko district of Nago.

    “The Nago election sent a message that the plan has become unfeasible,” Okinawa (Uruma) representative Denny Tamaki said of Sunday’s mayoral win by anti-base candidate Susumu Inamine. “If the idea is revived, it could invite a prefecture-wide, anti-military movement.”
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