Japan, US split on military base relocation cost

Posted on: Friday, 24 March 2006, 06:36 CST
By Linda Sieg

TOKYO (Reuters) - Talks aimed at wrapping up a plan to reorganize the U.S. military in Japan ended without a deal on Friday and negotiators will meet in Washington next week to try to close the gaps by an end-of-March deadline, a U.S. source said.

Japan's foreign minister said the two sides were divided over how much Tokyo should pay toward moving 8,000 U.S. Marines to Guam from the island of Okinawa, a key part of a broader plan to reorganise the more than 50,000 U.S. military personnel in Japan.

"These are negotiations ... so it's natural that there is quite a gap," Foreign Minister Taro Aso told reporters.

Washington has proposed that Tokyo pay 75 percent of the estimated $10 billion it will cost to move the Marines to Guam, while Japan wants to reduce the bill and provide at least some of the funds in the form of loans because of its huge public debt.

On Friday, Japan presented an offer to provide $2.5 billion in loans to pay for the construction of housing for the families of U.S. military personnel, Kyodo news agency said.

Squabbling over the funding and opposition from Japanese communities worried about noise, crime and accidents associated with the U.S. bases have delayed finalizing details of the deal, which was agreed last October.

The March deadline was self-imposed but an extended delay could frustrate Washington, which is trying to transform its military globally into a more flexible force.

Talks earlier this week between Japanese defense officials and the mayor of Nago City on Okinawa failed to patch up domestic differences over the proposed relocation of the U.S. Marines' Futenma air base from a crowded part of the island to an area straddling another base and the Nago coast.

OKINAWA HURDLE

The Futenma relocation is a core element of the broader plan and a prerequisite for shifting the Marines to Guam.

"We want them (negotiators) to make efforts to reach an agreement by the end of March," Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe told a news conference earlier in the day.

"On the other hand, we must explain sincerely to the local people," Abe added, in a sign an agreement might be delayed.

A stated goal of the realignment in Japan is to reduce tensions with communities that host U.S. bases.

Some experts predicted compromises could be found, both to settle the Futenma dilemma and the funding feud.

"I'm quite optimistic," said one Japanese military expert.

"The main reason is that politicians like (Defense Minister Fukushiro) Nukaga and (Prime Minister Junichiro) Koizumi are so determined to finish the job."

Resentment of the U.S. military presence runs especially deep in Okinawa, one of Japan's poorest prefectures and host to about half the U.S. military presence in Japan. The 1995 rape of a Japanese schoolgirl by three U.S. servicemen prompted huge demonstrations there and calls for the removal of the U.S. bases.

On Friday, an American employee of the U.S. Kadena Air Base on Okinawa was sentenced to nine years in prison for raping two women, a spokesman for the Naha District Court said.

Media reports described the man, Dag Thompson, 36, as an ex-Marine who had sold cars at the base and was arrested in 2004. U.S. military officials could not immediately comment.

JCP in Diet criticizes government for accepting unreasonable request for money to help relocate U.S. Marines to Guam

At the House of Councilors Budget Committee meeting on March 17, Japanese Communist Party representative Inoue Satoshi pointed out that the United States has increased its estimate for the cost of relocating part of the U.S. Marines contingent from Okinawa to Guam to over 1 trillion yen, three times the initial estimate, without giving any rationale behind the changes. He said that the government should reject the U.S. request for more money.

The U.S. Congress Overseas Basing Commission in May 2005 reported to the U.S. president that the transfer cost would be 342.2 billion yen, but in March this year, the Department of Defense stated that the cost would be over 1 trillion yen.

Pointing out that the United States is requesting Japan to pay for everything it wants, Inoue criticized the government for uncritically accepting the U.S. claim for burden sharing.

Inoue also asked about the report that the Japanese government has explained to the U.S. government that the estimated total cost Japan will pay for U.S. military realignment in Japan will be more than 3 trillion yen, including the construction cost of a new base near U.S. Camp Schwab in Okinawa.

Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichiro simply stated that the United States has its way of thinking," virtually admitting that the United States is requesting Japan to pay 75 percent of the total cost of 1 trillion yen.

Defense Agency Director General Nukaga Fukushiro replied, "I am not in a position to answer that question at this point because negotiations with the United States are still under way."

Inoue criticized the government for withholding the information from the Diet, even though it has explained it to the United States.

- Akahata, March 18, 2006

Japan, US Proceed With Military Bases Plan Despite Opposition

By Patrick Goodenough
CNSNews.com International Editor
March 13, 2006

(CNSNews.com) - Pentagon plans to realign the U.S. military presence abroad faced a new hiccup after residents of a Japanese city voted Sunday in a referendum against a plan to increase the number of American military planes and personnel deployed at a local base.

The proposal would raise the number of troops at the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station in the southwestern city of Iwakuni from 3,500 to around 5,100, and its component of 53 planes would be bolstered by an additional 57 aircraft, including fighters attached the aircraft carrier USS Kitty Hawk.

City officials said 87 percent of those voting opposed the plan. Voter turnout was 58.6 percent, above the 50 percent threshold required for the plebiscite to be valid.

Although the vote was non-binding, Iwakuni Mayor Katsusuke Ihara said earlier he would ask Tokyo to scrap the plan if a majority opposed it. He and other critics oppose the plan because of concerns about accidents and noise.

The central government, which is reported to be concerned about the referendum sparking similar votes elsewhere in Japan, reacted to the poll result by saying it would continue working on getting support from the Iwakuni community.

"There is no change" to the redeployment plans, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi said on Monday. Shinzo Abe, the chief cabinet secretary, told a press conference that the government understood most residents of the Iwakuni area who supported the plan had refrained from voting.

The U.S. is in Japan to help protect an important ally, but it also maintains forward-deployed forces there to deter and respond to security situations in the region not directly related to Japan.

Iwakuni's location is strategic as it lies closer to North Korea -- about 500 miles from Pyongyang -- than any other U.S. base in Asia apart from those in South Korea, where political sensitivities hamper American forces' freedom to operate outside that country.

Indeed, Iwakuni was first used by U.S. forces in 1950 as a springboard for operations during the Korean War.

The extra planes and personnel earmarked for Iwakuni are to transfer from a base near Tokyo as part of a complex realignment plan agreed upon by the two governments last October. Schedules for implementing the changes are meant to be finalized by the two sides by the end of this month.

The realignment plan in Japan is in line with the Pentagon's global review of force posture aimed at equipping the military to better face challenges such as terrorism and proliferation threats.

The main impact will be the return home of 50,000 troops from Europe, where the presence of 100,000 personnel is widely seen as superfluous in the post-Cold War era.

In the two major East Asian allies, Japan and South Korea, the plan's main focus is on consolidating command structures, streamlining deployments, and improving capabilities to respond to new threats.

At the same time, the U.S., South Korea and Japan are seeking to ease local disquiet about the presence of American forces.

This is being done primarily by moving a military headquarters out of central Seoul, and restructuring bases in Okinawa, the southern Japanese island where the majority of the 45,000 U.S. personnel in Japan are located.

Last weekend, tens of thousands of Okinawans rallied against a plan to move a Marine base there to a new location elsewhere on Okinawa.

The aim is to move the Futenma Marine Corps Air Station from its current setting near the congested center of the island to a quieter location in the northeast, but opponents of the plan want the base relocated from Okinawa completely.

The U.S. also is planning to return three other facilities on Okinawa to the Japanese government.

And, in the most far-reaching change for Japan, the Pentagon also intends to transfer up to 8,000 Marines -- half of the total number on Okinawa -- to Guam, an island 1,400 miles further east that is set to become far more important as a staging point for U.S. forces in the Pacific.

Guam is a U.S. territory, and so is not hampered by the local sensitivities present in Okinawa, or by the restrictions South Korea's liberal government wants to place on what the Pentagon calls "strategic flexibility" - the ability to dispatch forces based there in the event of crises elsewhere in the region, such as the Taiwan Strait.

U.S. eyes 'trilateral' military cooperation with Japan, S. Korea

Kyodo News

The United States plans to set up a ''trilateral military cooperation'' with Japan and South Korea to deal not only with North Korea but also with China and terrorist threats in Asia, U.S. Pacific Command Commander Adm. William Fallon said Tuesday.

Testifying before the Senate Armed Services Committee, Fallon said the United States has been working to transform its bilateral defense alliances with the two nations to deal with regional and global issues and develop them into a stronger trilateral initiative.

''We also hope to foster greater trilateral cooperation between the ROK (Republic of Korea), Japan and the United States,'' Fallon said in a written statement.

Fallon did not spell out the details of the trilateral cooperation. But referring to the ongoing realignment of bilateral military alliances with the two nations, Fallon indicated the U.S. military wants the three countries to jointly deal with China's increasing military power, North Korea's possible collapse and reunification of the two Koreas, unconventional regional threats such as terrorism risks in Southeast Asia, and other regional matters.

The three nations have been promoting working-level defense consultations, but the talks have largely been limited to exchanging views on North Korea.

But uncertainties remain because the trilateral process as well as bilateral defense talks between Japan and South Korea have occasionally stalled due to lingering territorial and history-related disputes between Tokyo and Seoul stemming from Japan's aggression during and before World War II.

Defense experts said Washington wants to keep Japan and South Korea on its side against China, especially hoping to prevent Seoul from leaning toward Beijing due to their similar disputes with Japan and their common reconciliatory interests over North Korea.

Fallon's remarks came after the U.S. Defense Department issued its Quadrennial Defense Review last month, which singled out China as having the ''greatest'' potential to militarily compete with the United States among emerging and major powers.

In the QDR, which set the defense strategy and military posture for the next 20 years, the Pentagon called for ''greater'' military presence in the Pacific Ocean and vowed to boost military integration with allies to deter against emerging and major powers and ''complicate any adversary's efforts to decouple them.''

The integration includes intelligence sensors, communications networks, information systems, missile defenses, undersea warfare and counter-mine warfare capabilities.

Japan and the United States agreed last October to step up integration and joint operations between Japanese Self-Defense Forces and U.S. forces as part of their broad accord on realignment of the U.S. military presence in Japan.

The two nations are set to compile implementation plans by the end of March for the realignment accord.

''We are conducting a U.S.-Japan interoperability study, exploring ways to improve how our forces coordinate a wide range of operations,'' Fallon said, noting that they are also jointly developing a missile defense system.

Fallon said Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has demonstrated ''exceptional leadership'' in guiding the SDF through ''significant change'' such as sending ground troops to Iraq and refueling vessels to the Indian Ocean to help the U.S.-led antiterrorism operations in Afghanistan.

''These actions clearly show the willingness and capability of the government of Japan to deploy the SDF regionally and globally in support of security and humanitarian operations,'' Fallon said.

Meanwhile, Seoul and Washington agreed earlier this year on ''strategic flexibility'' of U.S. armed forces in South Korea, paving the way for U.S. forces there to engage in missions outside the Korean Peninsula.

But the accord led to controversy in South Korea as it may lead the nation to get involved in regional conflicts that the United States could be engaged in such as a possible contingency in Taiwan.

Fallon said, ''We welcome Korea's adoption of a more regional view of security and stability.''

The two nations ''must remain adaptable in light of the changing security environment, including unconventional threats, China's military modernization, and the potential for reconciliation between the Koreas,'' he said.

Kyodo News

35,000 rally in Ginowan against Futemma base relocation plan

GINOWAN, Japan, March 5 Kyodo [2006]

Tens of thousands of protesters gathered Sunday in Ginowan, Okinawa Prefecture, to rally against a relocation plan for the U.S. Marine Corps Futemma Air Station and envisioned legislation that would allow Tokyo to override the Okinawa governor's authority regarding landfills for the project.

Holding placards and banners demanding the immediate closure of Futemma and its relocation outside of Okinawa, about 35,000 people took part in the two-hour rally organized by opposition parties represented in the Okinawa prefectural assembly, labor unions and grassroots groups, according to the organizers' estimate.

Okinawa Gov. Keiichi Inamine and assembly members of the ruling coalition did not attend.

''If the U.S. Marines troops at Futemma are included in the 8,000 troops the two governments have agreed to move out of Okinawa, there is no need at all to build a new facility in Henoko,'' House of Councillors lawmaker Masahide Ota said in addressing the crowd.

''If the foreign minister and the Defense Agency director general think the Japan-U.S. security alliance is necessary, they should bring the bases to their own places,'' the former Okinawa governor said.

Ginowan Mayor Yoichi Iha said, ''The city of Ginowan strongly demands that Futemma, the world's most dangerous base, be shut down immediately and relocated outside of Japan.''

The Futemma base sits in the center of downtown Ginowan and occupies 25 percent of the city's land. Locals have long complained of noise and safety concerns, and their anger was further agitated by the crash of a U.S. military helicopter at a university campus near the base in August 2004.

Despite calls for relocating Futemma outside of Okinawa, Japan and the United States agreed last October on a revised plan to build a new airfield on the shores of the U.S. Marines' Camp Schwab in Nago, also in Okinawa, to relocate Futemma's heliport functions.

''This is absolutely unforgivable,'' said Toshio Ikemiyagi, a 66-year-old resident of Naha, Okinawa's prefectural capital. ''For how much longer is the government trying to use Okinawa as a hostage put on sale to the United States?''

Given that the initial offshore plan in Nago has been stalled for 10 years, Tokyo is eyeing a special law that would transfer to the central government the Okinawa governor's authority to grant permission for landfills in the area, in order to ensure that the new plan will not be hampered by local opposition this time.

''I think it's ridiculous that Prime Minister (Junichiro) Koizumi and U.S. President (George W.) Bush are trying to make Okinawa the depot for U.S. forces to expand war,'' said 20-year-old Hidekazu Furuuchi, a Tohoku University student who traveled all the way from Sendai in northeastern Japan to Okinawa for the rally. ''The government is ignoring the Okinawa people's opposition and I cannot allow that.''

Ginowan and other municipal governments to be affected by the October agreement, which also includes other realignment plans for U.S. forces in Japan, are also upset that Tokyo struck the accord with Washington without prior consultation with them.

Meanwhile, rally participant Kaoru Takahashi said she was disappointed that Gov. Inamine did not show up for the event and that she is concerned that the governor would in the end kowtow to the central government and agree with Tokyo's plans.

''I can't trust the governor and local politicians who didn't show up at the rally,'' said Takahashi, dressed in the costume of a seal in protest against expected environmental pollution in the waters where the new airfield will be built.

In concluding the rally, the participants adopted a resolution demanding that the Japanese government respect local opinions against the relocation and realignment plans.

Japan and the United States aim to finalize the realignment details by the end of this month, but Tokyo has yet to succeed in convincing the local authorities to accept the plans. [*493*]

U.S. House Guam delegate urges Japan to fund 75% of relocation cost

(Kyodo) _ U.S. House of Representatives Delegate Madeleine Bordallo from Guam urged Japan on Friday to fund 75 percent of the cost of relocating U.S. Marines from Okinawa to Guam, calling it a "necessity" amid the tight U.S. budget.

In a statement, Bordallo also said she understands that the actual number of Marines to be relocated will be closer to 8,000, instead of 7,000 earlier agreed on between the two nations.

Her comments confirmed recent news reports that the United States has offered to increase the number by 1,000 during ongoing negotiations for crafting implementation plans by March of a broad agreement reached in October on realigning the U.S. military presence in Japan.

The October accord highlighted the removal of 7,000 Marines from Okinawa -- 6,000 to Guam and 1,000 elsewhere in Japan.

"Negotiations between the Japanese and the United States have been substantive," Bordallo said, noting that she has recently met with senior U.S. defense officials to receive updates on the negotiations.

The two nations are scheduled to resume their senior working-level meeting in Honolulu next week.

"However, it is clear that cost-sharing is a critical issue that must be resolved. For this move to happen on the right timeline, within six to eight years, a Japanese commitment to fund 75 percent of the relocation costs is a necessity," Bordallo said.

"The strained U.S. budget will not be able to accommodate this move without the targeted level of Japanese cost sharing," she said.

Bordallo did not give any cost estimates for building Marine headquarters, training sites, housing and other facilities in Guam for the relocation, merely referring to news repots of a $8 billion estimate tabled by the United States.

Various cost figures have hit the headlines, ranging from $3 billion to $9 billion, as being presented by the United States during the negotiations.

But behind the scenes, the Marine Corps has reportedly come up with a more a realistic estimate of around $6 billion through its preliminary studies, with the United States hoping Japan will cover up to 60 percent.

Meanwhile, the Japanese government is planning to propose lending money to the United States to cover part of the construction cost in Guam.

Bordallo said, "There came be little doubt that we are at an important juncture as the United States and Japanese negotiators approach the mutually agreed upon deadline for final agreement."

"From my viewpoint, we are at a crossroads," she said. "The whole plan to move Marines to Guam will not come to fruition if these negotiations fail."

But she noted, "I remain optimistic that because of the importance of this realignment to Japanese and to American society that the outcomes will be positive."

Ambassador Thomas Schieffer Speaks to Okinawa Business Leaders

TRANSCRIPT

Ambassador J. Thomas Schieffer
Remarks to Okinawa Association of Corporate Executives
Loisir Hotel Okinawa
Naha, Okinawa

February 13, 2006

AMBASSADOR SCHIEFFER: Thank you very much. This is my second visit to Okinawa, and I have really enjoyed it. Yesterday I had a chance to go down to the aquarium and see it, and I want to compliment you. It is a world-class facility, and it is the most impressive aquarium that I have ever seen.

It is a great honor for me to be here today. The Okinawa Association of Corporate Executives is an important part of the Okinawa business community. Your strong voice has helped build a friendship between America and the Okinawan people.

The friendship between our two countries is unique in the world. Borne out of conflict, it has come to epitomize the power of freedom to transform bitter enemies into close, prosperous and powerful friends. Sixty years ago, few would have thought that the United States and Japan could enjoy the kind of relationship that we have today. It has come to be because both our societies share the same core values of freedom - values that give dignity and respect to the individual and hope and opportunity to the masses.

Friendship is never appreciated more than in a time of tragedy. Last summer, in the aftermath of hurricanes Katrina and Rita, Japan came through for America. At the government, corporate, and individual level, Japanese reacted with extraordinary generosity to the plight of ordinary Americans caught up in the disaster. From the collection boxes on the streets, to a Japanese businessman walking into my office and donating $1 million, to every member of the Diet contributing to the relief effort, the Japanese people time and time again said that they wanted to help Americans. May I take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to the people of Okinawa and Japan for the compassion you showed America.

Let me turn now to the alliance that has grown out of our friendship. Never has it been stronger. It is emblematic of the close and personal friendship shared by our two leaders, President Bush and Prime Minister Koizumi. Sons of fathers who fought on opposite sides in the war, these two world leaders know that the fate of each of us is inexorably tied to the success of our relationship. Their summit last November demonstrated once again that we are committed to a growing and evolving alliance that will serve the individual and mutual interests of each of our great countries.

For America, the alliance is the linchpin of our whole foreign policy in Asia. The American-Japanese alliance has provided for the security of both of our countries in the Pacific. That security, in turn, has allowed our economies to prosper without suffering again from the devastation of war.

Now we are engaged in talks designed to transform that 20th century alliance into one capable of meeting the security challenges of the 21st century. One of the great challenges we face will be adjusting to the world order that has emerged from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the events of September 11th.

The economic rise of China and India present both challenge and opportunity. We must encourage both to be active contributors to the well being of the international order without endangering the peace and stability of their neighbors. At the same time, all of us - every member state of the international community - must guard against the threat of transnational terrorism. Civilization as we know it will cease to exist if terrorists are allowed to roam among us. All of us must come together to defeat terrorism, the bane of our time.

And yet our friendship and alliance extend far beyond security matters. Together, we are a formidable force for good in the world. Our two economies are far and away the largest. We produce more, earn more, and give away more than any two nations in history. But we are not just about money. We have responded to tsunamis, earthquakes, hurricanes, and disease with a compassion that relieves suffering and offers hope for a better day for victims caught in the midst of these natural tragedies. So too, do we support the institutions that bring democracy and freedom to the oppressed. Tyranny knows it has a formidable foe in the alliance of the United States and Japan.

Here in Okinawa, we often hear of the burden borne by Okinawans in the defense of both the United States and Japan. It is true that you bear a heavy burden for all of us. But at the same time, we hope you realize that all of us have burdens to bear when it comes to the defense of our countries and the peace of the world. Americans spend a little less than 4% of our gross domestic product on national defense. Japan spends less than 1%. In real dollars, Americans spend more than ten times as much on defense as the Japanese. Over the last four years, our defense spending has almost doubled while the Japanese spending in real dollars has actually declined. This increased American spending has produced greater capacity in our military forces, which in turn creates greater capability in the alliance between our two countries, and that translates into more security for Japan. American soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines serve throughout Japan, and they do so with pride and honor for their country and yours. But as much as they enjoy living here and as lovely as Japan is, they would rather be with family and friends at home. And by the way, it would be cheaper for the United States taxpayer if that were possible. But that is not possible, because the risks of a dangerous world cannot be ignored. The presence of American troops here in Okinawa and the rest of Japan has made all the difference in the cause for peace. For sixty years, the peace of Japan has been preserved because potential enemies have known that they would face the full force and effect of American power if they made war on Japan. That peace and security has allowed Japan to build the second largest economy in the world, an economy that in turn has given the Japanese people an opportunity to regain the dignity and respect that they deserve in the international community.

The defense of Japan presents heavy burdens to the people of Okinawa. The defense of Japan presents heavy burdens to the rest of Japan. The defense of Japan presents heavy burdens to the United States. But Okinawans, Japanese, and Americans bear those burdens because they understand that they are essential to the defense of liberty in Japan, America, and the rest of the world. Peace is not inevitable. We must work at it every day, and each of us must do our part.

All that said, we are now engaged in talks with Japan that are designed to reduce the number of Americans stationed here without reducing their capability to respond to the security threats of the future. We listened to the people of Okinawa when they said they wanted to reduce the number of Marines based here. We have offered to move 7,000 Marines to Guam. We listened to the people of Okinawa when they said they wanted Futenma back to stimulate local development and reduce the possibility of future accidents. We have offered to move from Futenma on the day that a replacement facility can open. There are many other things that we can do together to reduce the burdens each of us bear, but to accomplish them, we must work together in an atmosphere of honesty and cooperation. We must be prepared to act upon and not just talk about what needs to be done. We must treat each other in a way that befits the friends and allies that we are.

Let me also add at this point that we want to be good neighbors in the communities where we live. The United States remains committed to a goal of zero tolerance for criminal acts performed by American service personnel. We are deeply saddened when an American violates the law. We pledge to you that we will cooperate in every way possible to bring any wrongdoer to justice. Each of us wants the United States to be well thought of and respected for the ideals and values we hold. None of us wants America to be dishonored or disgraced by individuals who violate the law. Americans are not here to prey upon the innocent; we are here to protect the innocent.

Finally, I want to look to the future of the Japanese American friendship and alliance. We want this friendship and this alliance to reflect the best that is in the soul of both of our peoples.

There is much that needs to be done in the world. Poverty and disease are still with us. War and pestilence still visit too many places. Together, we have built the two greatest economies in the world. Together, we have secured the peace of Asia. And together, we look to the future with hope.

The world and Okinawa are very different places than they were sixty years ago. And they are much better places, more democratic, more prosperous, and more free than ever before. That didn't just happen. It happened because men and women of courage and vision made it happen. Our task is to live up to their courage and their vision. If we do so, I am confident that an American ambassador sixty years from now will address a group like this and extol the virtues of our friendship and emphasize the contributions that that friendship has made to a better world.

Domo arigato gozaimashita.

QUESTION: Regarding the transformation of US forces in Japan, the United States and Japan agreed on Futenma relocation in October. There has been opposition to this from Governor Inamine, the mayor of Nago, surrounding towns and villages, and fishermen and fisheries cooperatives. Given the local opposition to the Camp Schwab plan, Mr. Ambassador, do you think it would be better to revise the agreement?

AMBASSADOR SCHIEFFER: I think that what we did in October was to have a broad conceptual agreement as to what we would do, and that broad conceptual agreement was to have a facility built at Camp Schwab.

We are in the process now of negotiating the details of how that would be done. I think that if the people of Okinawa or the people of those local communities have suggestions to make that might improve the agreement, we have a duty to listen to them.

And I am hopeful that after the conclusion of those discussions, and that exchange of information, that we would be able to, in the details, reach an agreement that everyone could support.

QUESTION: Some are of the opinion that unless the Futenma relocation issue is resolved, there will not be progress on matters that will reduce Okinawa's burden, such as the return of bases south of Kadena and the reduction of 7,000 Marines. Mr. Ambassador, do you view these issues as a set that should be pursued in tandem and do you see a resolution to the Futenma question as a precondition?

AMBASSADOR SCHIEFFER: I think it is a package that we are talking about, and I believe we are narrowing our differences. I had an opportunity to meet with Governor Inamine this morning before this meeting, and he told me that basically he felt that the DPRI agreement could be accepted pretty much as it is, with the exception of the Futenma question. And my response to that was that we ought to try to figure out how we could resolve the Futenma question so that we could have an agreement that everyone could accept. And I am hopeful that in these next few months that we will be able to do that.

QUESTION: Again, on the relocation of Futenma, you said earlier that you should listen. Does this mean that if there is a local plan, one that is better than the coastal plan, that you are ready to consider it? Or will America put forward its own proposal?

AMBASSADOR SCHIEFFER: The negotiation is between the United States and the government of Japan, and we have reached a broad conceptual agreement on that negotiation. Having said that, I think we always should listen to people. If they can offer a better idea, then we should embrace it. And then, I don't think there is any harm in ever listening to people, but you have to listen to them sincerely and listen to them in the manner that they present their arguments. If those arguments are sincere, then I think that we have to listen to them. That doesn't mean that we will always agree at the end, but I think we have a duty as friends and allies to listen to one another and try to appreciate the point that each is trying to make. We want this agreement to work. And we want an agreement that will be able to be implemented. An agreement just for agreement's sake helps no one. But we think that these talks can produce something that will have a very positive effect on Okinawa, on Japan, and the United States. And that is the spirit in which we have entered these negotiations.

QUESTION: As you mentioned earlier, and as the Department of Defense has announced recently, China is becoming a threat. But at the same time, it is seeking a peaceful environment. In what areas do you view China as posing a threat? Also, what do you think about the state of Japan-China relations recently?

AMBASSADOR SCHIEFFER: I don't think that we have said that we consider China a threat. I think what we have said is that we hope that China can be integrated into the international community in a peaceful way, so that it enhances the security and stability of the international community. At the same time, we are concerned with the military buildup that has occurred in China, and we want to be sure that that military buildup is not a threat to the United States, or to Japan, or to our allies.

With regard to relations between Japan and China, those are matters the Chinese and Japanese have to resolve. But having said that, we would point out the fact that we have a better relationship with China today than we probably ever have had in our history. At the same time, we have the best relationship with Japan that we have ever had. And our relationship with China did not come at the expense of our relationship with Japan. On the contrary, we believe that our good relationship with Japan enables us to have a good relationship with China. And while both China and Japan enjoy great relationships with the United States right now, I think that Japan and China are somewhat anxious when it comes to the relations that they have with each other. That's understandable given the fact that the whole international order is in the process of redefining itself. Japan and China each have to be comfortable with the new position that they are occupying in that redefined international order. Ifm quite hopeful they can resolve those differences, but obviously there's a lot of work to do right now.

QUESTION: The Japanese government is saying that there will not be major changes to the agreed-upon coastal plan. But listening to you today, Mr. Ambassador, I get the feeling that you are more flexible than the Japanese government regarding revisions. Is that correct? Some have called for Futenma to be relocated outside the prefecture. Is that something you would consider? Additionally, the previous mayor of Nago has said that a plan closer to the shore than the original offshore plan could be considered. Is this something you would consider?

AMBASSADOR SCHIEFFER: I think what I have tried to say was that, conceptually, we have made a broad agreement with the government of Japan, and conceptually, that agreement includes a provision that Futenma would be relocated here within Okinawa Prefecture. I don't see that changing. All I am saying is, as we engage in the negotiations on the details of that conceptual agreement, I don't see any harm in listening to people to see if they have a better idea. At the end of the day, we may wind up exactly where we are right now. But at the end of the day, if somebody has a better idea, we should be willing to embrace it.

QUESTION: I think a lot of work is going on to try to wrap up the negotiations. What do you think are the chances that an agreement will be reached by the end of March?

AMBASSADOR SCHIEFFER: I think we will have a final report by the end of March. I think both sides are working very hard to do that. I think that negotiations are very difficult; if it were easy, we would have already done it. But I think both sides recognize that there is the opportunity to transform this alliance, and this is the moment to seize that opportunity. And because they realize that and because they are approaching it with seriousness, I am quite hopeful that we will be able to conclude the negotiations and get the final report in by the end of March.

Domo arigato gozaimashita.