Tuesday, June 26, 2007

Okinawa governor has mild stroke


Tuesday, June 26, 2007

NAHA, Okinawa Pref. (Kyodo) Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima has been hospitalized for treatment of a slight stroke but surgery is unnecessary, his deputy said Monday.

Nakaima, 67, will need to spend about a week in the hospital for treatment and another week recuperating at home, Vice Gov. Zenki Nakazato said.

The governor's mental and language abilities are unaffected, he said.

Nakaima complained of feeling poorly Friday night and was diagnosed with a suspected slight brain infarction Saturday morning, according to the vice governor.

Monday, June 25, 2007

Okinawa marks 62nd anniversary of WWII battle amid textbooks row

Japan Policy & Politics
June 25, 2007
ITOMAN, Japan, June 23 Kyodo - Okinawa Prefecture on Saturday marked the 62nd anniversary of the end of the Battle of Okinawa in the closing stages of World War II in which more than 200,000 people died, including civilians in mass suicides.

The memorial day comes as the Okinawa prefectural assembly has urged the central government to retract its instruction to history textbook publishers to play down the Japanese military's role in the mass suicides. Many Okinawans, including war survivors, see the policy as an attempt to gloss over the reality of the battle.

Okinawa Gov. Hirokazu Nakaima said in a message, ''It is our crucial responsibility'' to hand down a lesson from the war to future generations and to ''take a square look at the reality in the international community that terrorism and ethnic conflicts never end, to foster a peace-wishing mind to make sure that the calamities of war never happen again and to try to create a lasting peace in the world.''

The governor also said in a peace declaration at a memorial ceremony, ''Needless to say the problems of U.S. military bases must be settled in a way people in Okinawa can accept, and it is our task to create the economic basis on which people can live free from anxiety, and to raise cultural vitality.''

The ceremony, which Prime Minister Shinzo Abe attended, was held at the Peace Memorial Park on a seaside hill in the city of Itoman, in the southern part of Okinawa Island, where Japanese soldiers and civilian islanders held out against U.S. soldiers during the war.

''We must certainly reduce the burden on Okinawa of U.S. military facilities,'' Abe told about 4,500 people at the ceremony held under the scorching sun.

''We will listen to the fervent voice of people in Okinawa and push the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan in a steady manner,'' Abe said.

The focal point of the realignment is a planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Futemma Air Station from Ginowan to Nago on the island. Some local people oppose the plan, saying the base should be moved outside the prefecture.

Okinawa, around 1,500 kilometers southwest of Tokyo, was the only inhabited part of Japan where ground fighting took place during the war. Okinawa is a popular tourist destination and hosts the bulk of U.S. military facilities in Japan.

Lt. Gen. Richard Zilmer, the top commander of the U.S. military in Okinawa, also attended the ceremony. Zilmer is the commanding general of the 3rd Marine Expeditionary Force based in Okinawa.

Meanwhile, people related to U.S. and Korean victims of the battle held small memorials in the Cornerstone of Peace area, where a number of black granite tablets inscribed with the names of the victims stand in lines near the venue of the ceremony.

In the battle, more than a quarter of the 450,000 inhabitants of Okinawa perished. Some civilians killed themselves using hand grenades. Many survivors say they were forced to do so or were talked into doing so by Japanese soldiers due partly to fears over intelligence leaks. In addition, being a prisoner of war was considered shameful in Japan at the time.

In March, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology told publishers of high school history textbooks to reword the phrases indicating that force or persuasion by the Japanese military was behind the mass suicides of civilians in editions to be used in the next academic year starting in April 2008.

Abe, speaking to reporters after the ceremony, declined to go into details on the issue, merely saying that a relevant educational council ''has examined the issue from an academic viewpoint.''

The Okinawa prefectural assembly, including members from Abe's Liberal Democratic Party, adopted an opinion letter Friday unanimously urging the ministry to rescind the advice.

As of Saturday, the names of 235 people, including five South Koreans, were added to inscriptions on the tablets in the park, bringing the total number of Okinawa war dead to 240,609.

Okinawa remained under U.S. occupation after the war until it was returned to Japan in 1972.

Saturday, June 23, 2007

Okinawa marks war anniversary amid suicide row

Sat Jun 23, 2007 9:59am BST
TOKYO (Reuters) - Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Okinawa on Saturday to commemorate a bloody World War Two battle, the day after local lawmakers blasted official plans to alter school textbook accounts of wartime suicides.

The ceremony marked the 62nd anniversary of the Battle of Okinawa, dubbed the "Typhoon of Steel", which left some 200,000 people dead, including many civilians alongside Japanese and U.S. troops.

Photo: Visitors walk through "The Cornerstone of Peace", a monument commemorating those who died in the Battle of Okinawa, on the southern Japanese island of Okinawa, March 28, 2006. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited Okinawa on Saturday to commemorate the battle, the day after local lawmakers blasted official plans to alter school textbook accounts of wartime suicides.

Many local people, often entire families, killed themselves rather than surrender to the Americans, and some eyewitness accounts said Japanese soldiers forced them to do so. Some conservative Japanese historians contest this, saying the suicides were voluntary.

In March, the Education Ministry, previously criticized for toning down textbook descriptions of Japanese wartime atrocities in Asia, ordered publishers of high school texts to revise their descriptions of the suicides.

The decision sparked outrage in Okinawa and the prefectural assembly sent a statement of protest to the ministry on Friday.

"It is a great sadness to me that the people of Okinawa experienced suffering beyond description," Abe said at the ceremony on the southern island, Kyodo news agency reported.

Asked about the textbook problem, Abe replied only that an Education Ministry panel had weighed the matter from a scholarly perspective, Kyodo said.

The row is the latest in a series sparked by conservative efforts to revise accounts of Japan's wartime behaviour. Since taking office last September, Abe himself has publicly denied that the Japanese military or government forced Asian women to become sex slaves for soldiers.

Under pressure from abroad, he later repeated his backing for a 1993 apology to the victims, known euphemistically in Japan as "comfort women".

Next week a U.S. congressional committee is set to approve a non-binding resolution seeking a clearer apology from Japan.

Just days ago a group of lawmakers from Abe's ruling party said the 1937 Nanjing Massacre was a fabrication, denying Chinese claims that Japanese soldiers slaughtered hundreds of thousands after seizing the Chinese city.

Okinawa slams history text rewrite


Saturday, June 23, 2007

Assembly tells state to retract order to downplay mass suicides
Compiled from Kyodo, AP

The Okinawa Prefectural Assembly demanded Friday that the central government retract its instruction to high school history textbook publishers to downplay the military's role in ordering mass civilian suicides during the Battle of Okinawa.

The assembly issued the call in a unanimously adopted statement after 36 out of the 41 municipal assemblies in the prefecture adopted similar statements and civic groups collected 100,000 signatures opposing the government move.

Photo: Protesters demand Friday in Naha that the government retract its instruction to revise history textbooks to downplay the military's role in ordering mass suicides in the prefecture during the war.

In the statement, the assembly said, "It is an undeniable fact that mass suicides could not have occurred without the involvement of the Japanese military.

"We strongly call on the government to retract the instruction and to immediately restore the description in the textbooks so the truth of the Battle of Okinawa will be handed down correctly and a tragic war will never happen again."

Okinawa was the only inhabited part of Japan where ground fighting took place in the closing days of World War II. During the battle, a quarter of Okinawa's civilian population died. More than 200,000 Japanese and Americans died in the bloody battle.

Many survivors say Japanese soldiers, on the brink of defeat, told them to kill themselves and their loved ones. But some military-related people deny that mass suicides and murder-suicides were ordered.

In March, the Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Ministry advised publishers of the textbooks to be used in the next school year to reword descriptions that the embattled Imperial Japanese Army forced civilians to kill themselves in the war so they would not be taken prisoner by the U.S. military.

Textbooks for Japanese schools must be screened and approved by a government-appointed expert panel, which can order corrections of perceived historical inaccuracies.

According to the results of the screening, one textbook initially stated that "the Japanese army gave hand grenades to residents, making them commit mass suicide and kill each other."

But after the screeners took issue with the description, saying it could result in misunderstanding, the textbook was revised to state, "Mass suicides and killings took place among the residents using hand grenades given to them by the Japanese army."

Other textbooks simply deleted the words "by the Japanese army."

Two assembly members were traveling to Tokyo to hand deliver the statement to the education ministry, Assemblyman Akira Nakasone said.

Accounts of forced group suicides and murder-suicides in Okinawa are backed up by historical research, and by testimonies from victims' relatives.

Historians also say government propaganda induced civilians to believe U.S. soldiers would commit horrible atrocities, leading many to kill themselves and their loved ones to avoid capture.

But in recent years, some academics have questioned whether the suicides were forced — part of a general push by Japanese conservatives to soften criticism of Tokyo's wartime conduct.

Friday, June 22, 2007

Okinawa anger at textbook plans

Last Updated: Friday, 22 June 2007
08:41 GMT 09:41 UK

The Japanese island of Okinawa has reacted furiously to government plans to revise textbook accounts of army activities during World War II.

Okinawa politicians are protesting against a decision to tone down reports that the army ordered civilians to commit mass suicide at the war's end.

Okinawa was the scene of one of the war's bloodiest battles.

Some conservatives in Japan have in recent years questioned accounts of the country's brutal wartime past.

Only this week, a group of MPs from the right-wing ruling party claimed China had exaggerated the number of people killed by Japanese troops in Nanjing in 1937.

And Prime Minister Shinzo Abe drew condemnation abroad earlier this year after he questioned whether there was any proof that Japan's military coerced women to work as sex slaves during the war.

'Important issue'

Many Okinawa civilians, including entire families, committed suicide rather than surrender to US forces after the 1945 Battle of Okinawa that left more than 200,000 dead.

Eyewitness accounts and historical research say government propaganda led civilians to believe they would face terrible atrocities if they were captured by US forces.

Japanese troops were reported to have handed out grenades to residents and ordered them to kill themselves rather than surrender to US soldiers.

The education ministry ordered publishers last March to make changes to several textbooks, which must then go before a government-appointed panel for approval.

Okinawa's local assembly unanimously approved a statement on Friday criticising the move.

"It is an undeniable fact that mass suicides could not have occurred without the involvement of the Japanese military," the assembly said.

The politicians called on the government to "retract its instruction... so the truth of the Battle of Okinawa will be correctly conveyed and such a tragic war will never happen again".

Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuhisa Shiozaki was quoted by the Associated Press as saying the education ministry would take "appropriate measures" in line with process.

"We understand this is an extremely important issue for the people of Okinawa," he said.

U.S. Congress sex slave resolution will harm ties: Japan envoy


Friday, June 22, 2007

WASHINGTON (Kyodo) Japan's ambassador to the U.S. reiterated Wednesday that the passage of a resolution in the U.S. Congress to seek a clear apology from Tokyo over the Japanese military's use of sex slaves during the war would harm bilateral relations.

Ryozo Kato made the statement ahead of the resolution's anticipated passage through a House of Representatives panel next week.

"It is harmful for Japan-U.S. relations if a factually unfounded resolution is passed," he told a news conference, citing the nonbinding resolution authored by Rep. Michael Honda, D-Calif.

"The Japanese government's position on this is as stated by Prime Minister (Shinzo) Abe, when he came to the United States (in April)," Kato said. "That is, we have offered and will offer heartfelt apologies for the hardships incurred by former 'comfort women.' "

The Japanese envoy was referring to the sex slaves, known in Japan euphemistically as "comfort women," who were primarily from the Korean Peninsula, which was under Japanese colonial rule during the war.

Honda, of Japanese descent, and some Republicans submitted the resolution in January urging the prime minister to offer an official apology to the victims.

The U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee plans to put the resolution to a vote next Tuesday. With support from 140 legislators — both Republicans and Democrats — the resolution is expected to pass.

Attention is now focused on whether the resolution will be put to a vote on the full House floor. Honda said Tuesday the resolution is likely to be put to a vote at the full House, possibly in mid-July.

Abe came under fire earlier this year when he said he believes the Japanese military did not utilize "coercion," in a narrow sense, in connection with the women.

Thursday, June 21, 2007

10 teachers lose 'Kimigayo' lawsuit against Tokyo


Thursday, June 21, 2007
By JUN HONGO
Staff writer

RULING RAPPED AS 'POLITICALLY INFLUENCED'

The Tokyo District Court on Wednesday rejected a lawsuit by 10 high school teachers who were denied postretirement employment after they refused to sing the national anthem during graduation ceremonies in March 2004.

The suit, filed against the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, which ordered all public school teachers in Tokyo to sing "Kimigayo" while facing the Hinomaru flag, had demanded a combined 30 million yen in damages.

The plaintiffs had argued that their re-employment contracts were annulled due to the metropolitan government's directive, which they said violated their freedom of speech and conscience guaranteed under the Constitution.

The re-employment system for public school teachers in Tokyo, introduced in 1985, makes them eligible for contract renewals after they retire at age 60.

Presiding Judge Hiroyuki Samura ruled "the directive does not deny the plaintiffs' rights."

Samura ruled that singing the national anthem in school ceremonies does not force reverence of a specific ideology because it is a "ritual practice."

He also said the annulment of the teachers' re-employment contracts was a "legitimate exercise of discretionary power" because the plaintiffs had committed a violation of their duty.

Tatsuo Hiramatsu, a former chemistry teacher at Nogei High School, denounced the ruling, calling it "unacceptable and terribly wrong." The 67-year-old plaintiff had his re-employment contract nullified on March 30, 2004, after he refused to stand for the anthem during a graduation ceremony.

Hiramatsu said the ruling was "politically influenced and biased" for approving the directive, and the plaintiffs have all agreed to immediately file an appeal.

According to the plaintiffs' lawyers, only two of 1,311 teachers who applied for re-employment between 2001 to 2003 were turned down. The directive was issued in October 2003.

The 10 plaintiffs, who filed the suit in June 2004, argued that their dismissal was triggered by a single breach of the directive and that the metropolitan government abused its power by nullifying their contracts.

Courts have issued dissimilar verdicts on the legitimacy of forcing teachers to sing "Kimigayo" during school ceremonies.

Last September, the Tokyo District Court ordered the metropolitan government to pay 12.03 million yen in compensation to 401 teachers who objected to the directive on grounds that it violates their freedom of thought and conscience. The metropolitan government has appealed.

However, the Supreme Court in February ruled against a 53-year-old teacher who refused to play the piano accompaniment to "Kimigayo" at a ceremony, stating it was part of her duties and did not infringe on her constitutional rights.

According to the activist group Organization of Reprimanded Teachers for the Retraction of the Unjust Punishment Involving Hinomaru & "Kimigayo," 388 teachers have been punished under the directive since 2003.

The anthem and flag were recognized as Japan's official symbols by the Diet in 1999, but they continue to court controversy due to their links to Japan's militaristic past.

Monday, June 18, 2007

Japan plants coral to save sinking 'territory'


Jun 18 12:44 AM US/Eastern

Japan has begun planting baby coral on a remote Pacific atoll in a multi-million-dollar project to save sinking islets and defend a territorial claim disputed with China, officials said Monday.

Japan regards the rocky isles of Okinotori, 1,700 kilometres (1,060 miles) south of Tokyo, as the southernmost point of its territory, letting it set its 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone around them.

Photo: The governor of Tokyo raised the Rising Sun over Okinotori islet in the Pacific, 1,700 kilometres (1,060 miles) south of Tokyo. Mailing Address: 1, Okinotori Island, Ogasawara Village, Tokyo, Japan, written on memorial plaque.

Teams will take several plants of juvenile coral to near the uninhabited isles this month after implanting six others in May, said fisheries expert Noboru Ishioka.

"We will watch the results ... though it is difficult to look frequently as a voyage takes three-and-a-half days," said Ishioka, chief researcher at Fisheries Infrastructure Development Centre.

"We hope to plant tens of thousands of them from this year on," he said.

His public corporation was partially tasked with the coral-growing project by the government's Fisheries Agency.

Japan has put aside some 500 million yen (four million dollars) for the project over the two years to March 2008, according to the Fisheries Agency.

The project was launched to "grow coral and protect national land," said an agency official who declined to be named.

But another official, Akito Sato, who is in charge of the project at the agency, said Japan "cannot rule out the possibility that rising water would cover the islands," due to global warming.

"We can use coral as a means to ward off the submergence," he said, adding another reason was to protect the environment on the atoll.

Also known as Douglas Reef, the atoll, about 11 kilometres (seven miles) in circumference, has been extensively eroded by waves. Only several square metres on the tops of the two rocks, which are reinforced by concrete, remain above surface at high tide.

China has insisted Okinotori is just rocks and thus is not regarded under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea as an entity around which Japan can set its 200-nautical-mile exclusive economic zone.

History gains weight when intertwined with politics

06/18/2007
The ASAHI SHIMBUN

asahi.com>ENGLISH>Impact of History> article

What better time than the present to take a close look at history in East Asia?

South Korea has been taking steps for a comprehensive "settlement of past issues," while a new political movement has intensified discussions of historical events in Taiwan.

Photo: Former "comfort women" from South Korea, front row, chant slogans while a performer with a picture of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe fixed to the back of his head apologizes to them during a protest in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul on May 2.

In China, where historical issues can affect the legitimacy of communist rule, sensitivity is rising about how to acknowledge past events in the country.

And calls are strengthening in Japan to revise the Constitution, which was drawn up based on remorse for past aggression and military rule.

Our new series, "History Lives--150 Years in East Asia," will start out with reports on the current situation in East Asian countries, where "history" has become a weighty topic.

We will also look at the latest developments in history education and how history lessons are changing in an increasingly globalized world.

Themes will be chosen for this series, covering the period from the Opium War in 1840, which marked the start of modern history in East Asia, to the end of the Cold War.

History is reviewed in terms of connections with present-day events and new "interactions and linkages." At the same time, the series compares history textbooks used in different countries and looks into how our "memories" of history have been formed.

* * *

CHINA - A specific view of history from Beijing

Differences in perceptions of history over the war between Japan and China remain a major flashpoint of argument to this day.

Amid dramatic economic and social upheaval in China, the Chinese Communist Party's view of history now faces some criticism from within the country.

Beijing's leadership has been trying to handle both foreign and domestic pressure over history-related issues with a mixture of confrontation and compromise.

In 2005, during 60th anniversary commemorative events to mark the end of World War II, Beijing gave instructions that celebrations should focus on how the Communist Party played a primary role in the Chinese people's unified fight against Japanese military aggression. The Communist Party often resorts to propaganda of this kind because China's modern history of "fighting against an invasion and feudalism, and building a people's country" represents the very foundation of the government.

The Communist Party tries to lead the socialist country's advances on the basis of its achievements. As explained on Page 27, teaching modern history represents an important function for the government in maintaining its rule.

However, people's attitudes have become diversified as China's market economy advances and generations change.

Even though China's media and freedom of thought are tightly controlled, some scholars and writers have managed to offer differing viewpoints on various topics.

Last year, a Chinese scholar ignited a firestorm with an article printed in a major newspaper about the contents of a history textbook used in schools.

The scholar wrote that in the Second Opium War and the Boxer Rebellion, China also violated international law but that history textbooks completely justified the Chinese actions. He said the fundamental spirit of modernization is to be conformable with reason, urging that textbooks be written calmly and objectively.

Authorities condemned the article, saying it overlooked crimes perpetrated through aggression by global powers, went against historical facts, violated regulations on reporting and propaganda, and forced the feature section in which the article was printed to shut down. Editors and others involved were fired.

The government's stance is that anything printed in a newspaper, regardless of whether it is an academic paper, is political propaganda. The party made clear it would not tolerate criticism of history education.

However, sometimes the Communist Party adjusts its views of history. In one recent example, it recognized the role of the Kuomintang army (KMT, Nationalist Party) in the Sino-Japanese War.

The KMT had long been accused of not resisting Japan, but the Communist Party re-evaluated its achievements, casting the KMT in a new light. The move apparently was part of an effort to sway the KMT, which is now an opposition party in Taiwan, to work to unify the island with the mainland.

Leaders of the Chinese government and the country's major media outlets have recently begun to take a positive view of Japan's postwar history of peaceful development. This appears aimed at stabilizing bilateral relations, partly based on requests from Japan.

As long as changes remain within a scope that will not largely affect the evaluation of the Communist Party in modern history, more adjustments may be made in historical views from the standpoint of political strategy.

* * *

SOUTH KOREA - Seoul moves to make peace with the past

In an unprecedented step on May 2, South Korea's Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property decided to confiscate land inherited by descendants of Koreans who collaborated with Japan during its colonial rule. (See Fact file)

Those targeted by the governmental body included family members of Prime Minister Lee Wan Yong, who signed the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty in 1910.

Many Japanese may wonder why such a step is being taken now, and why descendants are being held accountable.

Strong public resentment against Japan still lingers in South Korea and many people feel that pro-Japanese collaborators were never adequately punished.

Such movements go beyond the period of Japan's 1910-45 colonization of the Korean Peninsula. There is also a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and a Truth Commission to look into the dark side of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency and even the country's postwar dictatorship.

There are 16 such organizations, according to a government source. Of them, 13 were established after President Roh Moo-hyun came to power.

The first attempts to denounce past conduct were taken when South Korea came into being in 1948. The Special Commission for Investigating Anti-Korean Activities was established under Syngman Rhee when he was president. However, it soon became deadlocked.

Despite his strong anti-Japan sentiment, Rhee needed the knowledge and work experience of those who assisted Japan in its colonization of the peninsula before he could embark on the immediate task of nation-building.

President Park Chung Hee, who took over from Rhee, established diplomatic relations with Japan in 1965. However, the standoff with North Korea during the Cold War, the necessity to spur economic growth, dictatorships and a clampdown on democratic movements served to hamper any settlement of past events.

The situation began to change in the 1990s, however. Democratization advanced and the Cold War ended. South Koreans gained latitude and confidence through economic growth.

President Kim Young Sam pioneered such settlement efforts while his administration was in power from 1993 to 1998. By advocating a proper understanding of history, Kim had no tolerance for previous military governments that had banned him from politics. One symbolic event was his decision to demolish the Government-General building that Japan had built in front of a Joseon Dynasty palace.

Such actions were not systematic, however.

But it was the current Roh administration that fully systematized such efforts to revise history.

This reflects the political roots of Roh and his confidants, who had worked hard in the democratic movement and were not among those with vested interests. The government's recent efforts must reflect its strong will to bring hidden history to light, and interpret and digest events from the standpoint of the general public.

"This amounts to settling and reflecting upon our own history by our people," said Seo Min Gyo, a member of the Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property.

In its reviews of history, South Korea has not targeted Japan or the rest of the world. However, there is no getting around the fact that former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to war-related Yasukuni Shrine and other sticky issues generate a strong reaction in South Korea because of the rising momentum to settle issues of the past.

Concern has been expressed in South Korea that such recent movements are nothing more than a political tool to attack conservative forces.

At the same time, many regard it as inevitable that this era should strive to shed light on the truth of history. This would suggest that such efforts would have been made even if the government was not led by Roh, though perhaps to a different degree. The rising clout of the public, which goes hand in hand with the advancement of democratization and generational change, is the driving force behind this movement.

Fact File: Confiscation of land owned by pro-Japanese collaborators

The Korean government's Investigative Commission on Pro-Japanese Collaborators' Property announced May 2 that land totaling about 255,000 square meters inherited by descendants of Prime Minister Lee Wan Yong, who signed the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty, and that of eight other pro-Japanese collaborators, would be appropriated by the central government. The nine people cited were recognized as having accumulated wealth through traitorous acts such as cooperating with Japan and clamping down on resistance movements during the period from Japan's colonization to independence.

* * *

TAIWAN - Perception of a Taiwanese identity firmly taking root

While Beijing is insistent that Taiwan is Chinese territory under the "One China" policy, it does not fulfill its obligations to the island.

So says a young bureaucrat in the Mainland Affairs Council that deals with relations with China under Taiwan's Executive Yuan, or Cabinet.

For example, the official said the Chinese government has not extended any official apology or compensation to the people of Taiwan for ceding the territory to Japan, or for the so-called 2.28 Incident of 1947 (See Fact File).

Antagonism against China is rooted in the sentiments of such past events. Furthermore, new political movements are triggering a fresh awareness among Taiwanese of historical issues.

The Democratic Progressive Party that took power from the Kuomintang (KMT), or Chinese Nationalist Party, in 2000, is stressing Taiwan's indigenous identity in an effort to "break away from China" and set Taiwan apart from the mainland.

When thinking about Taiwan's future, its people cannot avoid pondering whether they identify themselves as Taiwanese or Chinese. That is when history rears its head.

Several opinion polls show that the number of people who answered they were Taiwanese began rising in the second half of the 1990s, while those who more readily identify themselves as Chinese are declining in number.

In a survey last December by the National Chengchi University Election Study Center, 44 percent of respondents said they were Taiwanese and 45 percent said they were both. Only 6 percent said they were Chinese. Clearly, a sense of being Taiwanese is on the rise.

Lee Tenghui, Taiwan's former president, proposed a "two-state theory" in 1999 with a "special state-to-state relationship." President Chen Shui-bian asserted in 2002 that China and Taiwan are separate countries.

Both statements triggered a furious backlash from China.

Pro-independence forces in Taiwan are campaigning to change the island's name from "Republic of China" to "Taiwan" or the "Republic of Taiwan." Responding to the movement, Taiwanese authorities changed the names of state-owned corporations: Chunghwa Post Co. and Chinese Petroleum Corp. were renamed Taiwan Post Co. and CPC Corp., Taiwan, respectively.

Reviewing names and the status of the state itself naturally leads to reviewing history. Re-examining history even takes place in history education as explained on Page 27.

Against this background, there are rising calls for a full accounting of the 2.28 Incident, an issue that had been taboo under the KMT government.

"The 2.28 Incident lies at the root of Taiwan's sovereignty," said Yang Cheng-long, executive director of the 2.28 Incident Memorial Foundation. "We will recover the truth that was distorted by the KMT."

With financial support from the government, the foundation is promoting construction of the National 2.28 Memorial Museum, which is set to open in 2009.

History carries a lot of weight in Taiwanese politics. This extends to the presidential election in spring 2008 that will set the course for Taiwan's relations with China as Beijing does its utmost to keep Taiwan's independence movement in check.

Fact File: 2.28 Incident

This refers to a clash in 1947 between the public and the Republic of China government in Taiwan. The military fired at people demonstrating against a crackdown on tobacco smuggling on Feb. 28, triggering protests across the island.

The government clamped down hard.

It is estimated that between 18,000 and 28,000 people were killed.

This incident lies at the root of Taiwanese resentment toward the Kuomintang and those who came from mainland China.

* * *

JAPAN - Abe acts as if there is no history issue

Japan under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is reaching a turning point.

Abe is determined to revise the Constitution that was written during the postwar occupation. His slogan is to "break away from the postwar regime."

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party has submitted a revised draft Constitution in which statements of remorse for the war would disappear from the preamble, and in which Article 9 is changed to allow the existence of a military. The proposal tries to draw a clear line in the country's postwar history. That is tantamount to claiming that outstanding problems over perceptions of history have already been solved.

As generations change, memories of the war are fading away. Former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to war-related Yasukuni Shrine triggered an uproar in China and South Korea, but attracted some support within Japan. Even some members of the opposition Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan) backed the visits.

Against this background, 43 LDP Diet members supporting Abe formed a group in May to strengthen ties with nations that share the same basic values.

With "freedom, democracy, human rights, and rule of law" as principles, the group names China as a country that does not share such values. Meanwhile, it says visiting Yasukuni Shrine is one issue that should not be compromised due to "fundamental principles and political philosophy." The group aims to strengthen unity among members who share the same goals.

Many of its members are in lockstep with Abe with regard to the controversy over history textbooks and other issues.

Still, the Abe administration's stumbling on the comfort women issue points to its instability. Abe's initial arguments regarding forcible recruitment--in a broad sense versus a limited sense--sparked sharp criticism in the media in the United States and Europe.

Illustrated by the fact that many of these critical comments cited the Holocaust, what was truly questioned was a universal question of how political leaders in this day and age should face negative history.

Controversies over history cannot be easily overcome even if a single country tries to unilaterally put an end to them.(IHT/Asahi: June 15,2007)

Wednesday, June 13, 2007

As Pentagon Report Warns of Chinese Military Might, Gates Emphasizes Cooperation

Richard Weitz | Bio | 13 Jun 2007
World Politics Review Exclusive

In his presentation at the June 1-3 annual Shangri-la Dialogue in Singapore, Defense Secretary Robert Gates appeared much more sanguine about the possibilities of establishing a constructive Sino-American military relationship than his own Defense Department. A few days earlier, DOD had released the latest version of its annual publication, "Military Power of the People's Republic of China 2007" (pdf file). The report's content is replete with warnings about China's growing military capabilities, something Gates downplayed at Singapore.

As directed by Congress, the report focused on the potential threat posed by China to Taiwan. Its authors warn that China continues to enhance its military capabilities in the region of the Taiwan Strait. The Chinese military has annually deployed 100 additional short-range ballistic missiles in the region for the past few years and now has almost 1,000 missile launchers within range of Taiwan. In addition, China keeps approximately 400,000 regular troops in Taiwan's vicinity. The report warns that the Taiwanese government has created a serious danger by allowing its defense spending to decline (on an inflation-adjusted basis) during the past decade.

The Pentagon study also describes the increasing range of sophisticated "disruptive" military technologies that Beijing could use to attempt to deny the U.S. military access to regions near China, such as Taiwan. These anti-access weapons include China's improving anti-satellite and cyberwar ("information blockade") capabilities. These "Assassin's Mace" programs aim to exploit possible adversary vulnerabilities, such as American dependence on information technologies, through asymmetric strategies.

One of the functions of the DOD report, which also underscores China's improving ability to project military power to regions beyond Taiwan, is to deter Beijing from using its new capabilities against the United States and its allies. For this reason, its authors caution readers (including presumably those in Beijing) that any attempt to launch a military invasion of Taiwan could have extremely negative repercussions for China. In such an eventuality, the DOD writers assert that Chinese leaders would have to suppress a major popular insurgency among the Taiwanese, confront possible U.S. and Japanese military intervention, manage serious economic problems due to international sanctions and the loss of Taiwanese investment, suffer severe harm to their country's reputation, including an embarrassing boycott of the 2008 Olympic Games, and deal with a prolonged downturn in China's relationship with the United States -- "a result that would not be in China's interests."

The Defense Department also urges Beijing to show greater transparency with regard to its military capabilities and intentions. After asserting that China's defense expenditures exceed those stated by the country's official budget, the report warns that, "This lack of transparency in China's military affairs will naturally and understandably prompt international responses that hedge against the unknown." U.S. representatives have long cautioned that Beijing's excessive military secrecy may alarm its neighbors and impede China's integration into regional security institutions.

In its latest white paper on defense, "China's National Defense in 2006," the Chinese government attributes its recent increases in defense spending primarily to the steady growth of the country's economy, which has allowed for expensive improvements in troop pay and living conditions. It also stresses that China's need to keep pace with other countries that are upgrading their own militaries. At the Shangri-la Dialogue, Lt. Gen. Zhang Qishering, deputy chief of the General Staff of China's People's Liberation Army, dismissed the Pentagon report as misleading. He argued that, "Given the multiple security threats, geo-political environment, the size of the territory, and the per capita expense, the Chinese defense expenditure is small by all judgments."

In his own keynote address at the Shangri-la Dialogue, Gates downplayed the military threats depicted in the DOD report and stressed that China and the United States share common interests "on issues like terrorism, counterproliferation, and energy security." Although he referred to the Pentagon report as a sign of concern about inadequate Chinese military transparency, Gates observed that "there is some difference between capacity and intent. And I believe there is reason to be optimistic about the U.S.-China relationship." Gates' presentation differed notably from that given at a previous Shangri-la Dialogue by his more combative predecessor. Two years earlier, Donald Rumsfeld told the conference that China's military buildup raised disturbing questions for its neighbors "since no nation threatens China."

One reason for Gates' relatively restrained manner may have been that Sino-American military ties have been on the upswing in recent months. The secretary recalled that in March of this year, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Peter Pace, concluded a very productive visit to China. Pace and his Chinese military interlocutor, Gen. Liang Guanglie, agreed to establish a crisis communications link between the two countries' defense establishments. In the question-and-answer session after his formal presentation, Gates endorsed the goal of creating a Chinese-U.S. strategic dialogue similar to that which characterized the Soviet-American military relationship during the Cold War. Through such contacts, he argued, both sides could avoid misunderstandings.

At this year's Shangri-la session, Gen. Qishering announced that he would travel to Washington in September to finalize the details regarding the planned hotline. He also insisted that the Chinese government is gradually increasing its transparency on the basis of "the principles of trust, responsibility, security and equality." Nevertheless, Zhang warned that since "some people in Taiwan are still dreaming about secession," the Chinese armed forces "must be prepared to cope with this kind of threat."

Richard Weitz is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a WPR contributing editor.

Monday, June 11, 2007

Rally in Okinawa protests government's view on military role in war


Monday, June 11, 2007

NAHA (Kyodo) Some 1,000 people staged a rally in Okinawa on Saturday demanding the education ministry retract its contentious instruction to history textbook publishers to play down the Japanese military's role in mass suicides by civilians during the 1945 Battle of Okinawa.

Participants including members of local teachers unions took to Kokusaidori Street in downtown Naha, chanting, "Don't distort the reality of the Battle of Okinawa."

Local resident Yoko Zamami, 55, said, "I cannot tolerate the changing of texts about what happened into saying it did not happen. What about the fact that people committed suicide using hand grenades given by the Japanese military? The pain of those people who experienced these things would be thoroughly blotted out."

Okinawa was the only inhabited part of Japan where ground fighting took place in the closing days of World War II. Many survivors say Japanese soldiers told them to kill themselves on the brink of defeat, while some military-related people deny the claim.

In March, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology advised publishers of new high school history textbooks to reword descriptions in the current versions that the embattled Imperial Japanese Army forced civilians to kill themselves in the war so as not to be taken prisoner by the United States.

The new versions subject to the advice are to be used in the 2008 academic year starting next April.

In Okinawa Prefecture, assemblies of roughly half of the 41 municipalities have unanimously adopted resolutions demanding the ministry retract the instruction.

Meanwhile, some members of the prefectural assembly from the dominant Liberal Democratic Party are cautious about adopting such a resolution, with one saying, "It is difficult to reach a complete consensus on historical viewpoints."

Sunday, June 10, 2007

8-year-protest in Japan to protect the marine environment



    Local people at Henoko have been protesting for 8 years against the construction of a new US military sea base at the Henoko Sea, where is very rich with sea grass beds, coral reefs and a variety of marine life including Japan's Dugongs

    As of June 12, 2007, their sit-in protest has been going on for 1150 days. (I am uploading this video by courtesy of the Green Peace Japan.)
    Please access to the following sites for details.

    http://www.geocities.jp/henoko_action...
    http://www.biologicaldiversity.org/sw...
    http://okinawaforum.org/disagreeblog/...

    Petition: call for a sound and transparent EIA to save the Okinawan Dugongs Click

    Azure97
    June 10, 2007
    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t3HFojTaIEA

Protect the sensitive marine life from US Base construction


Azure97
June 10, 2007

Local people at Henoko have been protesting for 8 years against the construction of a new US military sea base at the Henoko Sea, where is very rich with sea grass beds, coral reefs and a variety of marine life including Japan's Dugongs

As of June 12, 2007, their sit-in protest has been for 1150 days.(I am uploading this video by courtesy of the Green Peace Japan.)

Please access to the following sites for details.
http://www.geocities.jp/henoko_action...
http://www.biologicaldiversity.org/sw...
http://okinawaforum.org/disagreeblog/...

Petition: call for a sound and transparent EIA to save the Okinawan Dugong

Protect the sensitive marine life from US Base construction



http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bODYfXtTC6w

8-year-protest to protect the marine environment


Azure97
June 10, 2007

Local people at Henoko have been protesting for 8 years against the construction of a new US military sea base at the Henoko Sea, where is very rich with sea grass beds, coral reefs and a variety of marine life including Japan's Dugongs

As of June 12, 2007, their sit-in protest has been for 1150 days.(I am uploading this video by courtesy of the Green Peace Japan.)

Please access to the following sites for details.
http://www.geocities.jp/henoko_action...
http://www.biologicaldiversity.org/sw...
http://okinawaforum.org/disagreeblog/...

Petition: call for a sound and transparent EIA to save the Okinawan Dugong
http://www.thepetitionsite.com/takeac...

8-year-protest to protect the marine environment



http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=heUWoLWrBVk

Tuesday, June 5, 2007

FOCUS: Okinawa poll, once focused on economy, to revisit WWII, U.S. bases

Jul 5, 2007

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, playing on the need to boost the local economy, won the two most recent elections in the country's southernmost prefecture of Okinawa, which constantly has higher unemployment than the national average and lacks significant industries other than tourism.

After losing in the gubernatorial election in November, the opposition camp also jumped on the economic bandwagon in the April by-election for an upper-house seat, focusing on the economy rather than its pet themes of war and peace.

Ruling bloc campaigners are hoping economic issues will once again dominate the House of Councillors election in the Okinawa prefectural constituency, which will elect one lawmaker, slated for July 29.

But Okinawa itself is likely to focus more this time on what are widely regarded as ''heavy'' election topics related to U.S. military bases and World War II. The prefecture, some 1,500 kilometers southwest of Tokyo, was the only inhabited part of Japan where ground fighting occurred during the war, resulting in the death of a large number of civilians.

Against this backdrop is another turnaround in campaign policy by the opposition camp, including the Okinawa Shakai Taishuto (Okinawa Social Mass Party), after the April election defeat, and recent political developments including how Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration has been handling the latest history textbook controversy.

It is proving awkward for Junshiro Nishime, 57, the LDP incumbent who is seeking to hold his seat against opposition challenger Keiko Itokazu, 59.

Just weeks ago, Nishime's campaign office was optimistic about his winning reelection, calculating the ruling bloc's focus on economic issues would work for him and highlight again the local weaknesses of opposition parties.

After all, Okinawa is beset by economic problems with unemployment running at 7.7 percent, nearly double the national average in 2006, and its per capita annual income of 1.99 million yen the smallest among the 47 prefectures in Japan and less than half what people in Tokyo earned in fiscal 2004.

Enter the history textbook issue, which though far from new has come into the spotlight once again.

Itokazu, vice president of the Okinawa Shakai Taishuto, has criticized the LDP-led government for ordering textbook publishers in March to rewrite the history of the Battle of Okinawa to play down the role of the Japanese military in orchestrating mass suicides by civilians, citing a pending court case in which a plaintiff solider is disputing the purported role played by the military in cajoling people into killing themselves.

The government move has prompted great anger among many Okinawa voters, including supporters of Nishime.

''I will never tolerate any moves to try to rewrite the history of the mass suicides,'' Itokazu, a tour guide-turned-politician, said at a one-on-one political debate with Nishime in late June that drew a couple of hundred people at a hall in the prefectural capital of Naha.

Nishime evidently has a dilemma. As the eldest son of late Okinawa Gov. Junji Nishime and head of the LDP's Okinawa chapter, he boasts good connections with the central government and LDP headquarters, and says he can do more than Itokazu to boost the local economy.

But on the textbook row Nishime appears to have little choice but join Itokazu in challenging Abe out of consideration for local sentiment in Okinawa, where many survivors of the war have said Japanese soldiers forced or talked civilians into killing themselves and gave them hand grenades.

''I'll urge the government to retract the instruction. We must hand down the truth of history to the generations to come,'' Nishime told the forum he took part in with Itokazu.

On June 22, the Okinawa prefectural assembly unanimously adopted a statement demanding Abe's administration rescind the textbook instruction. It was the day before the 62nd anniversary of the end of the fighting in Okinawa that claimed more than 200,000 lives.

''That was for this election, maybe,'' a senior member of Nishime's campaign office said when asked why even LDP assembly members supported the statement. ''If the issue had surfaced at a different time, things would not have gone that way.''

''There is still an aversion to the old Japanese military here. We must be mindful of that'' the aide said.

It was not just the prefectural assembly that adopted such a statement. A similar opinion was also endorsed recently by all the 41 municipal assemblies.

Issues related to the war can often land Japanese politicians in deep water, as in the case of Fumio Kyuma, who resigned as defense minister on July 4 after making comments that were taken by some as implying the U.S. atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were justified -- a view that no political or public figure can voice in Japan, even over 60 years later, with impunity.

Kyuma's resignation was a further blow to Abe and his Cabinet, which has also drawn public anger over the mismanagement of massive pension account data.

Occupied by the United States until 1972, Okinawa still hosts the bulk of U.S. military facilities in Japan and many locals are quick to express their anger over crimes or accidents involving U.S. servicemen or base personnel.

As campaigning for the election officially starts on July 12, Itokazu is gearing up to highlight war and peace issues, including the textbook dispute and the contentious relocation of the Futemma Air Station of the U.S. Marine Corps, in preference to the pension problem and other economic issues.

''Peace is fundamental to solving every problem,'' she said recently.

Itokazu also opposes a Japan-U.S. agreement to relocate the Futemma base within the prefecture from Ginowan to Nago, urging the Japanese government to have the U.S. government move it outside Okinawa.

Masayuki Ibata, an expert on constitutions at Okinawa International University, rated Itokazu's strategy highly. ''It is necessary for politicians in Okinawa to continuously take up U.S. base-related issues. Otherwise, voters will be discouraged from going to polling stations,'' he said.

But Ibata said it is uncertain whether she will be successful. ''A kind of apathy about politics has spread even in Okinawa,'' he said. With the local economy still in the doldrums, many people are probably thinking there is no use in saying anything about the U.S. bases, he said.

Local business leader Eiji Chinen, who supports Nishime, said, ''The main focus of the election should be economic development in Okinawa. To achieve that goal, we need to increase ruling camp lawmakers from Okinawa.''

What people in Okinawa want is a stronger local economy and that view was evident at the last two elections, the chairman of the Okinawa Employers' Associations said.

Okinawa governor agrees to early talks on moving U.S. air station

POLITICS
Wednesday, July 4, 2007
at 16:23 EDT

Sanae Takaichi, state minister in charge of Okinawa affairs, said Wednesday she and Okinawa Gov Hirokazu Nakaima agreed the central and local governments should resume talks on the planned relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps Futemma Air Station at an early date. The talks on the relocation from downtown Ginowan to an offshore site in Nago have been stalemated since Nago Mayor Yoshikazu Shimabukuro requested a modification to the central government's plan and Nakaima has sided with the mayor.

After meeting with Nakaima, Takaichi told reporters she proposed to Nakaima that a consultative council on the relocation reconvene soon. The governor "has in principle expressed endorsement," she said. On the timeline, she said, "We should hold a session sometime between August and September."

Sunday, June 3, 2007

Japan-U.S.

June 03, 2007
By Richard Halloran

The Japanese Imperial Navy and the United States Navy fought the decisive Battle of Midway 65 years ago this week, with the Japanese losing four aircraft carriers to one for the US and limping home in defeat. Three more years of bitter war continued until Japan surrendered in 1945.

In stunning contrast, the US last month decorated Vice Admiral Eiji Yoshikawa of the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force with the Legion of Merit, the highest US military award given to a foreign officer. The admiral was cited for "dynamic direction, keen judgment, and inspiring devotion to duty."

In between, Japan was occupied by US forces, subsequently defended by the US, and then criticized in the 1970s and 1980s for taking a "free ride" on security. A turning point came in the 1991 Gulf War after Japan was humiliated for supporting the US with $13 billion but without risking forces until the last minute.

Since then, Japan and the US approved new defense guidelines in 1997, settled on common strategic objectives in 2005, and on May 1 this year agreed to enhanced military planning, joint training, and sharing of intelligence to enable the two forces to operate more closely together.

Lt. Gen. Bruce Wright, commander of US Forces Japan, said in a recent interview in Tokyo: "Our governments have committed to transforming our alliance to ensure our security partnership is effective" for the next 50 years.

General Wright, an Air Force fighter pilot whose call sign is "Orville" after an inventor of the airplane, continued: "We are enhancing our roles, missions, and capabilities and realigning some of our basing to ensure an enduring presence of U.S. forces in Japan." He said this "postures our forces to respond successfully to a spectrum of contingencies ranging from humanitarian relief to conflict."

Others seem pleased to see Japan do more on security. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo of the Philippines, whose nation was invaded by Japan during World War II, said during a May visit to Tokyo that Filipinos "indeed look forward to Japan playing a bigger role, not only for economic integration but also peace, security and stability."

In addition, Prime Minister John Howard of Australia and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of Japan agreed in Tokyo in March that their nations, which fought bloody battles on South Pacific islands in World War II, would engage in a strategic dialogue among their foreign and defense ministers. Both Japan and Australia are treaty allies of the US.

As might be expected, the governments of China, South Korea, and North Korea have been vocal in opposing these security arrangements, especially between Japan and the US. Chinese leaders have accused them of conspiring to "contain" China. The Koreans have a visceral hatred of Japan that remains from Japan's occupation of Korea from 1910 to 1945.

Moreover, Japanese and American diplomats suggested that political relations between Tokyo and Washington are troubled. They point to disagreements over negotiations intended to dissuade North Korea from its nuclear ambitions, the Japanese arguing for a harder line than that taken by the US.

Prime Minister Abe has made the North Korean abduction of several dozen Japanese citizens a priority political issue but has been disappointed by the seeming indifference of the State Department. Then there are the disagreements over trade that have gone on for six decades.

In the realm of security, the blossoming alliance between Japan and the US does not envision an integrated command such as that in NATO in Europe nor the bi-national North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) staffed by interchangeable Canadians and Americans. NORAD tracks satellites and other objects in space and watches for long-range missile attacks.

Rather, the US and Japan are organizing parallel commands in which Japanese and Americans are next door to each other. A Bilateral Joint Operations Coordination Center has been set up at Yokota Air Force Base west of Tokyo. Japan's Air Defense Command is slated to move close to the US Fifth Air Force headquarters on the same base.

The US Army plans to move its I Corps headquarters from Fort Lewis, Washington, to Camp Zama, southwest of Tokyo, where it will be joined by the Central Readiness Force headquarters of the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force.

And the US Navy, whose Seventh Fleet is based at Yokosuka, south of Tokyo, and the Japan Maritime Self Defense Force have, 65 years after the Battle of Midway, what an American officer calls "probably the strongest daily naval relationship in the world."

Friday, June 1, 2007

The New Defense Ministry Raises Japan's Profile Overseas

Akira Hiyoshi 1 June 2007
On January 9, Japan's Defense Agency was upgraded to a full-fledged ministry. From its founding in 1954, the Defense Agency had remained a subordinate body under the Cabinet Office without ministry status. The recent elevation to a ministry has finally made Japan a "normal" country in a sense, but still I am surprised at the fact that it has taken such a long time. The two ministries that should serve as the pillars of Japan's external relations, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defense, can now work on an equal footing. The meetings held in Washington, D.C. in early May among Japan's foreign and defense ministers and their US counterparts were as respectable as they were substantive.

National defense is fundamental to the nation's existence, comprising one of the core functions of a state – along with diplomacy, law enforcement and finance – that cannot be entrusted to the private sector. The administrative body in charge of national defense should thus be positioned accordingly within the structure of the national government.

The legal revisions that upgraded the Defense Agency have also transformed some of the previously-stipulated secondary duties of the Japan's Self-Defense Forces (SDF) into primary SDF duties alongside national defense and disaster relief activities. Among the international activities that have been added over time to the SDF's mission in response to international developments are emergency relief activities, cooperation in United Nations peacekeeping missions, transportation of Japanese nationals, and provision of logistical support to US forces in the areas surrounding Japan. Demining activities, originally defined as a secondary responsibility when the SDF officially came into being in 1954, were also upgraded to a primary duty. These activities apparently differ in nature from other ancillary responsibilities of the SDF such as civil engineering work and assistance for athletic events, which can be described as utilizing the SDF's defense capabilities in peacetime.

It goes without saying that these legal amendments were vitally needed. Nevertheless, during the Diet deliberations and in some media reporting, concerns were raised about the threats that these amendments posed to the basic principles of our national defense policy, including the doctrine of "defensive defense," the pledge to never become a military power, the "three non-nuclear principles," and the strict practice of civilian control. Opponents feared that the legal revisions would lead to the enactment of a permanent law enabling SDF personnel to take part in broad international peace cooperation activities without prior Diet scrutiny of each mission. They were also concerned that the revisions would encourage debate on easing the rules on the use of weapons by SDF personnel overseas and accelerate efforts promoting the exercise of the right of collective self-defense. However, these issues and concerns have essentially nothing to do with the latest amendments to the status of the Defense Agency and the SDF's missions, and should be addressed separately if necessary.

Underlying the continual reemergence of such arguments is the ambiguous article in the Japanese Constitution regarding the right of self-defense. Article 9 of the Constitution states, "Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained." This article has given rise to the interpretation that even the possession of a military for self-defense, considered to be a natural right of the nation, is constitutionally prohibited. Given that the recent legal changes to upgrade the Defense Agency gained the overwhelming support not only of the ruling parties but also of the main opposition, it is natural to assume that the time is ripe to have a serious discussion on revising the Constitution.

Japan will receive increasing requests to send the SDF to the world's trouble spots. We must make cool-headed judgments on whether and how to meet the requests, taking into consideration our own security concerns and priorities as well as the capabilities of the SDF. Reviewing the standards for the use of weapons will be necessary if we are to make our overseas missions more effective by ensuring the safety of SDF personnel while they work alongside other nations' forces. Furthermore we will not be able to avoid discussions on a permanent law allowing the SDF to engage in overseas peacekeeping missions and on the right of collective self-defense.

Our country is narrow and not well blessed with natural resources. The population of our rapidly aging society is shrinking and the financial crisis is not over. In contrast, one of our neighboring countries is increasing its economic and military power significantly at a time when the international influence of our most important ally, the United States, is declining, and the concerns and interests of Japan have somewhat diverged from those of the United States, as was shown in the recent negotiations over the North Korean nuclear issue. In such a complex and difficult situation, drawing up a carefully worked-out, robust security policy from a comprehensive and long-term perspective appears more urgent than ever.

The Defense Ministry should be responsible not only for operation of the SDF but also for comprehensive national security policy planning, as was mentioned in the supplementary resolutions adopted by both houses of the Diet when they enacted the aforementioned set of legal revisions. I hope the ministry will perform its important duties with unceasing efforts and keen insight.


Akira Hiyoshi is President of the National Council of Defense Associations and a Councilor of the Research Institute for Peace and Security (RIPS). He was Defense Agency Vice Minister between 1991 and 1993. This is a revised version of the original Japanese article that appeared in "RIPS' Eye" (a biweekly op-ed website of RIPS), No. 72 (January 23, 2007).